1992 City of Pasadena Homeless Count, IURD

Executive Summary

This report examines the data gathered from 507 of the 1,017 homeless individuals who were counted in "The City of Pasadena Homeless Count" on September 23, 1992. The 507 adults answered more than 30 questions concerning gender, race/ethnicity, age, veteran status, mobility and social networks, health care, employment, income and education. It should be remembered that the responses to these questions were all self-reports. The survey data was not altered according to supplemental research or knowledge available to the authors. The data was analyzed by more than 50 city staff members, human service providers, academics, members of the homeless community and community residents over the past 15 months.

Key findings from the survey data include:

* 72% of those who completed the survey were men, 28% were women

* The racial/ethnic composition of the survey same is 16% Latino, 34% Black, 43% White, and 7% were either Asian, Native American, Middle Eastern, or unidentified

* 72% of those who completed a survey were under 40 years of age

* 83% of those who completed surveys were in facilities and 17% were on the streets. This means that 70% of all those counted in facilities completed a survey, and 40% of all those counted on the streets completed a survey

* Of the 38 homeless families who were surveyed on the night of the count, 31 were headed by single women, and 7 were two-parent households

* 43% of homeless adults surveyed first became homeless while living in Pasadena

* 72% of homeless adults surveyed on the streets had been homeless for more than one year

* 34% of those surveyed on the streets had a physical or mental disability

* 40% of homeless men surveyed on the streets were veterans

* 91% of homeless adults surveyed reported a problem with alcohol or other drugs.

On the basis of these, and other findings, we recommend the following:

1. A Homeless Prevention Program--An outreach and intervention program to prevent homelessness among low-income singles and families who are at-risk for first-time or recurring homelessness. The primary goal of the outreach and intervention program is to reduce the incidence of homelessness for low-income singles and families currently living in Pasadena by developing a prevention-based case management and support model for identifying and addressing the root causes of homelessness;

2. A Street Outreach Team--An outreach team of case managers who will help the chronically homeless who have been living on the streets. The primary goal of a street outreach program is to identify homeless people who are in need of services and to move them into the continuum of care provided by human service providers, thus facilitating an exit from homelessness;

3. A Chronic Homeless Intervention Project--A temporary residential facility that comprehensively addresses the complex psychological, social and personal causes of long-term homelessness. The primary goal of this intensive, multi-service project will be to help chronically homeless women and men--those living on the streets for more than one year--to make a permanent, satisfactory transition into short-term group housing and treatment programs, and later into long-term employment and permanent housing;

4. A Sobering Station and Detoxification Program--A program that will serve as an entry point for longer-term alcohol and drug treatment services. The primary purposes of the sobering and detoxification programs are: 1) to detoxify and facilitate withdrawal from mood-altering chemicals; 2) to evaluate the individual's present and potential chemical dependency; 3) to intervene in this dependency by introducing support from family members, peers, employers, nurses, counselors and other influential persons; and 4) to refer the client to appropriate inpatient or outpatient treatment facilities in order to attempt to overcome chemical dependency;

5. A Transitional Housing Project--Service-enriched housing for families with children coming out of houseless shelters. The primary purpose for a service-enriched transitional housing project will be to supply such families with affordable housing for up to two years upon their exit from homeless shelter programs and to provide case management which will prepare them for permanent, independent living.

The key findings, as well as other findings in this report, could suggest numerous public policy recommendations. The authors of this report, however, offer recommendations that focus on local issues and strategies and which they believe will be effective and feasible. Issues not within the immediate purview of local government and human service provision such as public assistance, affordable housing, employment opportunities, affordable child care and others, have not been specifically discussed even though they are relevant to the data. It is the hope of this committee that the feasibility of the recommendations is apparent, thus generating the good will of our community to work for their implementation.

Introduction

Homelessness is one of the most pressing unsolved social problems in Pasadena. Every day, in our city, women, men and children dressed in worn clothing walk our streets carrying plastic bags or pushing shopping carts filled with their worldly possessions. Sometimes they stop to curl up on a bench or rest in a doorway and, at times, to ask for money.

For more than a decade, many residents of Pasadena have experienced mixed feelings towards the homeless. Often, we have reached out to these adults and children and gave food, clothes and money. We also have given our time to serve food and to sleep in shelters in order to help the homeless begin the next day. Other times, we have felt anger or even fear towards them when they showed signs of mental illness or drug addiction, smelled of alcohol, or asked for money.

Awareness of, and concern for, the many homeless women, men and children has far outstripped our knowledge of the issue. Dialogue and working relationships among residents, City officials and staff, members of the homeless community and human service providers have helped us to grasp the many aspects of homelessness. The range and severity of the issues, however, have yet to be fully understood. One necessary step toward more fully understanding the issues that surround homelessness is to educate ourselves about the homeless. The September 23, 1992, City of Pasadena Homeless Count aimed not only to provide us with a number, though the number in itself--1,017 homeless men, women and children--is sobering; but a sociodemographic profile of the homeless was a goal as well.

The data presented below are the survey responses of 507 homeless women and men who told us about themselves and their children. This report presents basic descriptive data in response to the concerns of City officials and staff, members of the homeless community, residents and human service providers who were asked to propose questions to be included in the survey. These groups included City officials and staff from such departments as Human Services, Housing and Development, Planning, Building and Neighborhood Services, the Accessibility and Disability Commission, the School District, business and neighborhood association members, members of the homeless community and several human service providers. Once the questions were gathered, the Homeless Count Advisory Committee decided what questions would be included in the questionnaire. Questions concerning jail terms, probation, immigration status, and specific types of public assistance were not included after carefully considering concerns about violating the privacy of homeless respondents.

Another limitation was the fact that counters were instructed to complete their tasks within a two hour period of time (10 pm - 12 am) on September 23, in order to prevent duplication. As a result, the survey sheet was limited to thirty-four questions with yes/no or fill-in-the-blank responses. This design was used so that counters could quickly complete the surveys at their assigned count locations during the allotted time.

Questions concerning basic demographic information such as gender, race/ethnicity and age were included. All other questions can be grouped within the following topics: sheltered/unsheltered, veterans, mobility and social networks, health care, income, employment and education. It should be remembered that the responses to these questions were all self-reports. Responses were not altered according to supplemental research or knowledge available to the authors.

Whatever the limitations of the data, the clear message is that the homeless are men, women and children in economic crisis. They are comprised of many racial/ethnic groups. Some are alcoholics, drug addicts, and mentally ill persons; and some suffer from a combination of all three. Others are victims of other people's alcohol and drug abuse. The types of assistance needed to increase their incomes and the stability of their living situations are not so different from the types of assistance that have long been recommended to help all women, men and children with these difficulties--the need is only more intense and more immediate in the context of homeless.

Explanatory Notes

A few notes of explanation that pertain to conventions used throughout this report are in order:

1. Terminology--The homeless Count Advisory Committee wanted to be sensitive and inclusive in the language used in compiling results from the 1992 City of Pasadena Homeless Count. After a good deal of discussion, the following conventions were adopted. We realize that some might have preferred others, but we hope they realize that their point of view was given due consideration.

-Race/ethnicity was used rather than race or ethnicity alone.

-Black was used instead of African-American.

-White was used instead of Caucasian.

-Latino was used instead of Hispanic.

2. The Inclusion of Racial/Ethnic Groups--The count survey form included the following, specific racial/ethnic categories: Latino; Black; White; Asian/Pacific; Native American; Middle Eastern; other and unknown. The statistics reported in this report, however, mainly concern Latinos, Blacks, and Whites. This is due to the fact that the number of respondents for the remaining racial/ethnic categories was too small to be statistically significant. Overall, 8 Asian-Pacific Islanders; 9 Native Americans; 1 Middle Eastern and 11 in the other category, completed count surveys.

3. Differences in Reported Percentages--Percentages in this report are presented in exact, and rounded form. Thus, there may be slight discrepancies in the percentages used to represent the same finding in different parts of the report. These differences, however, will not be greater than 1 percentage point.

4. Missing Responses--A careful observer will also notice that the totals for the overall response rates to a question may differ slightly between the tables for gender, race/ethnicity, and age. This is because either the gender, race/ethnicity, or age data were missing for a small number of survey respondents. Thus, the total number of responses that were available for each cross-tabulation was slightly different. The resulting differences in the overall percentages is less than 1%.

Methodology

On the night of the count, two methods for obtaining an actual count (rather than an estimate) were implemented: a personal-contact method and a telephone-contact method. The personal-contact method was used by street-counter and van-rover teams to count homeless individuals not sleeping in accommodations accessible through the telephone-contact method.

I. Before the Count

Prior to the count, the Homeless Count Research Committee (a Sub-committee of the Homeless Count Advisory Committee) determined all potential sites where the personal-contact method or the telephone-contact method would be implemented on the night of the count.

A. The Personal-Contact Method

The personal-contact method was used to determine how many people sleep in a public or private place not designed for, or ordinarily used as, a regular sleeping accommodation for human beings. This method was implemented by street-count and van-rover teams of individuals who searched designated areas where homeless people can be found.

These areas were divided into four parts: 1) specific sleeping areas that were identified by homeless people as current sleeping locations within the city; 2) specific sleeping areas within the city that were identified by city residents, city staff, and human service providers as currently in use by homeless people; 3) selected spaces/ structures within the city that could provide sleeping areas for homeless people; and 4) selected areas within the city where homeless people may be en route.

1. Specific sleeping areas that are identified by homeless people as current sleeping locations within the city

The Homeless Count Research Committee conducted key-person surveys at social service sites to enlist the help of the homeless community. A key-person was defined as someone who was homeless at that time or had previously been homeless, and who had knowledge of places where homeless persons were currently sleeping. Homeless persons were also asked if they, or other members of the homeless community, would be willing to participate in the count. A list of these names was compiled and all persons on the list were invited to meet with The Homeless Count Advisory Committee. Many of these individuals became founding members of HAAC.

The Homeless Count Advisory and Research Committees met with members of the homeless community nearly every week from April, 1992, through the day of the count. A map of 80 identified sleeping areas was created. Also, members of the homeless community offered crucial advice for ensuring the efficacy and safety of the count. It was decided that on the night of the count, each street-counter and van-rover team would be led by a HAAC member.

2. Specific sleeping areas within the city that were identified by city residents, city staff, and human service providers as currently in use by homeless people

The Homeless Count Research Committee conducted key-person surveys with city residents, city staff, and human service providers. A key-person was identified as a city resident, city staff, or human service provider who had knowledge of a homeless sleeping area. Eleven areas were identified through these surveys and added to the map.

Thus, on the night of the count 91 sleeping areas/camps had been pre-identified. Each sleeping area/camp was assigned to one street-counter team. The location of these sleeping areas/camps remained confidential. The location of any camp was known only to HAAC members, Homeless Count Research Committee members, and members of the street-counter teams assigned to that site.

3. Selected spaces/structures within the city that could provide sleeping areas for homeless people

The Homeless Count Research Committee conducted a windshield survey of the entire city in order to identify spaces and structures that could provide sleeping areas for homeless people. Those spaces and structures identified included: abandoned buildings, alleys, billboards, boxcars, bushes, driveways, empty lots, hallways, garages, laundromats, movie theaters, overpasses, parking lots and ramps, parks, porches, public bathrooms, public transportation, railroad yards, rooftops, self-constructed sleeping arrangements such as boxes, shacks, or tents, underpasses, vehicles (cars, trucks, and vans), and yards.

4. Selected areas within the city where homeless people may be en route

The Homeless Count Research Committee conducted key-person surveys with members of the homeless community, previously homeless persons, human service providers, police officers, and members of the public who had knowledge of such routes. A windshield survey was also implemented to identify those routes traveled by homeless people between 10 pm and midnight. A map designating such areas was created.

The selected spaces/structures that could provide sleeping areas for homeless people and the selected areas where homeless people could be en route were assigned to four van-rover teams, each of which covered a those selected spaces/areas within a specific quadrant of the city.

B. The Telephone-Contact Method

The telephone-contact method was used to determine how many homeless people were sleeping in accommodations such as hospitals, hotels/motels, jails, low-income residential facilities, residential rehabilitation programs, and shelters. The list of these facilities was developed by the Research Committee through a series of meetings with key-persons. A key-person was defined as a person who owned or operated any of the above facilities, or a person who referred homeless clients to any of the above facilities.

II. The Night of the Count

On the night of the count, two kinds of personal-contact surveys were conducted: head counts and personal interviews. Head counts were done by observation only. The apparent gender, race/ethnicity of an individual, and his/her approximate age was recorded. Personal interviews were conducted when individuals consented to allow counters to ask them survey questions. Both head counts and/or personal interviews were used by the street-counter teams and by the van-rover teams.

In facilities surveyed using the telephone-contact method, personal interviews were conducted by pre-designated on-site staff. Shortly thereafter, head counts were conducted by volunteers who telephoned the facility and spoke with the on-site staff. Thus, the individual interviews could later by reconciled with the head-count, ensuring the accuracy of the count data. Recipients of hotel/motel vouchers were only recorded through a head count provided by the issuing agency.

All data was collected between the hours of 10 pm, September 23, 1992 and 2:00 am, September 24, 1992, except for those who received Department of Public Social Services hotel/ motel vouchers. This information was collected two days after the count. While the personal interviews at the facilities may have been conducted earlier in the evening, the head-count was done by the telephone-contact method between 10 pm and midnight. The hours of the count were restricted in order to guard against duplication in counting.

A. The Personal-Contact Method

1. Street-counter teams

On the night of the count, 18 teams of four persons: a homeless team leader, a social service provider, a bilingual volunteer, and a community volunteer, were assigned specific homeless sleeping areas that had been previously identified through the key-person interviews. Each team member was equipped with a flash-light, clip-board, street-count survey forms (in English and Spanish), and an identifying orange T-shirt. During the orientation, street-counter teams were given specific instructions on how to conduct the count.

Each team of street-counters was instructed only to count persons in their assigned sleeping areas. They were not to count persons en route or in other sleeping areas they encountered, as these had been assigned to other teams or to the van-rovers. At each assigned sleeping area, the homeless-team leader would introduce him/herself and explain the purpose of the count. At some sleeping areas, contact-persons, who were to be paid $7.00, had been recruited to facilitate the count. These contact-persons were camp residents who had been previously briefed on the count procedures, and who would therefore be expecting the street-counter teams and could reassure any camp residents startled or unsettled by the enumeration efforts.

Street-counters approached the persons in the assigned sleeping areas and asked if they had already been counted that night; and if not, would they be willing to answer the survey questions. A head count was taken for those who said they were not willing to be interviewed, who refused to talk to counters at all, or who were asleep or otherwise unapproachable. Street-counters were advised not to attempt to interview any person who seemed agitated or intoxicated, and not to conduct an interview when they, or the interviewee, felt uncomfortable. The rule of thumb was: "When in doubt, do a head count." Interviews could be terminated at any point by either the interviewer, or the interviewee.

For security purposes, one member of each team was instructed to stay with the vehicle at all times. Each vehicle was marked with an "X" in green reflective tape on the rear windshield. Two security cars, each with a cellular phone, roamed the city, checking on the safety of the street-counter teams. The City of Pasadena Police Department was informed of the count and agreed to cooperate if needed, and not to interfere in the enumeration process. A member of the department spoke during the count orientation, but there was no call for police involvement during the actual count.

After the street-counter teams had visited each of their assigned sleeping areas, they returned the completed surveys to count headquarters at the City's Housing Division located at 87 N. Raymond.

2. Van-rover teams

Four teams of local human service providers in vans were each assigned a section of the city in which to count homeless people who were en route, or who were in vacant lots, parks, school yards, parked cars, abandoned buildings, and other locations that were not assigned to street-counter teams.

Each team was furnished with van-rover survey forms (in English and Spanish), orange T-shirts, and maps of their area. On the map of the area for each van-rover team, the sites assigned to street-counter teams were specifically identified as places where the van-rovers were not to go. Other sites, such as abandoned buildings, vacant lots, parks, etc., which had been pre-identified through windshield surveys, were marked as designated van-rover sites. Streets that had been identified through windshield surveys as routes traveled by the homeless were also designated.

In addition to counting persons at designated locations, van-rovers were to approach persons that were sighted on the street, in alleys or doorways, or who were near businesses or in parked cars. Because of the difficulty in determining whether or not persons on the street were homeless, human service providers knowledgeable of the local homeless population were assigned as van-rovers, and the van-rover survey form included a question asking the interviewee if he/she considered him/herself to be homeless, and if he/she had already been counted that night. Persons who were approached and who identified themselves as homeless, were asked for an interview. A head count was conducted for those who declined to be interviewed if they verbally indicated that they were homeless, or if they were personally know to the van-rovers as an individual who was currently homeless.

Because of the extreme danger of approaching abandoned structures, on the day before the count fliers were posted at each identified abandoned building explaining the count (in Spanish and English). Instructions were attached telling the residents of each abandoned building that if they wished to participate in the count, they should post the flier so that the "X" in green reflective tape, on the back of the flier, was visible from the street. Van-rovers were instructed only to approach those abandoned buildings that displayed an "X". Van-rovers were also instructed to use extreme caution when approaching parked cars, and were told only to approach those cars which they recognized as belonging to homeless persons known to them.

After visiting all the designated locations on the map, and patrolling their section of the city, van-rovers returned the completed survey forms to count headquarters.

B. The Telephone-Contact Method

1. Shelters and residential facilities

Prior to the night of the count, the management of Pasadena's shelters and residential facilities were contacted by telephone and in writing, and the purpose of the count was explained to them. Every shelter and residential facility contacted agreed to participate in the count. A member of their staff was hired by the City of Pasadena Homeless Count to administer the shelter survey form (in English or Spanish) to the facility's residents after they were in for the evening of September 23.

Staff was also instructed to fill out a head count sheet that contained the information they would provide when they were contacted by count volunteers during the actual hours of the count. The one-to-one correspondence between the head count and the survey forms ensured the accuracy of the count and guarded against duplication in counting.

Between 10 pm and midnight, community volunteers at 87 N. Raymond telephoned each facility and recorded the head count information. Then, volunteers drove to each facility and collected the completed surveys, returning with them to count headquarters.

2. Hotel/Motel vouchers

There are six agencies in Pasadena that provide hotel/motel vouchers for homeless individuals and families. Only three of them provided vouchers to people on the night of the count. Each vouchering agency was instructed to record the gender, age, and race/ethnicity of every individual or family member receiving a voucher for the night of the count. Those persons receiving a voucher prior to the day of the count were included only if their voucher extended through the morning of September 24, 1992.

III. After the Count

A. Processing the Data and Writing the Preliminary Report

On November 12, 1992 The Preliminary Report of the count findings was released to the public as a timely response to the intense public interest generated by the count. This preliminary reported represented only an initial analysis of the homeless count findings regarding the gender, age, race/ethnicity and location of the 1,017 people counted on September 23, 1992 and did not address the responses to all of the survey questions.

B. Processing the Data and Writing the Final Report

On the night of the count, survey respondent's answered over 30 questions concerning gender, race/ethnicity, age, veteran status, mobility and social networks, health care, income, education and employment. Since January, 1993, this data has been processed and analyzed by nearly 100 city staff, service providers, academics, community volunteers and members of the homeless community who formed committees and attended regular meetings to discuss the findings and the form and content of the Final Report.

1.Sub-committees (see Contributors, p.iii)

These sub-committees consisted of professionals from the community who were knowledgeable about one or more of the categories of questions listed above. Thus health professionals met as one sub-committee to analyze all the data concerning health care questions; education professionals met as another sub-committee to study the data given about education questions, etc. These sub-committees met regularly--about once a month--and reported their findings to the General Committee.

2. The General Committee

The General Committee was made up of all members of the sub-committees and some members of the Advisory and Review Committee to insure clear and direct communication between groups. This committee met with sub-committees on a regular basis--about once a month. This committee reported to the Advisory and Review Committee on a monthly basis during the final six months prior to the completion of this report.

3. The Advisory and Review Committee (see Acknowledgements, p.i)

The Advisory and Review Committee was formed as the final decision-making body for analyzing the data and reporting the findings. The committee was made up of advisors from the City of Pasadena, which included the Office of the Mayor, Department of Human Services and Neighborhoods, Department of Housing and Development, and the Department of Planning and Permitting. Members of the Pasadena Housing and Homeless Network also served as advisors, including representatives from several human service agencies and members of the homeless community. This committee consisted of a smaller group that did the writing and editing of this report and a larger group (all committee members) who gave final approval to the contents of this report. The Advisory and Review Committee met at least once a month for the purpose of reviewing reports submitted by the General Committee of professionals who met as sub-committees.

Who Responded

Of the 1,017 homeless women, men and children counted on September 23, 1992, 507 responded to the survey questions. Not all of the homeless were able to respond to the surveys. Children (17 years or younger) were not directly asked questions, parents or guardians provided information for 65 of the 203 children counted. Also, the 156 persons who received hotel/motel vouchers on the night of the count were not asked the survey questions. This happened because there was a concern that people would feel that receiving a voucher was contingent upon their participation in the survey. In addition, 88 people were not surveyed in refugee homes and 2 people were not surveyed in hospitals for reasons of confidentiality. Thus, of the 568 persons who could potentially respond to the survey questions, 507 (89%) did. This represents nearly 50% of the total of 1,017 persons counted.

Who Responded by Gender

Men Women Row Total

Count 350 133 483*

Percent 72.5 27.5 100.0

*Gender data for 24 respondents is missing.

Of those that answered the survey questions, 350 (72.5%) were men and 133 (26.2%) were women. On the night of the homeless count, 69.7% of those counted were men and 30.3% were women. This means that men are slightly over represented in the survey data and women are slightly underrepresented.

Of the total number of homeless persons enumerated on the night of the count, 36% were Black, 34% were White, 24% were Latino, and 6% were others. Of those who completed surveys, 40.8% were White, 34% were Black, 16,5% were Latinos, and 8.7% were other. This means that Whites are over represented, Blacks were slightly underrepresented and Latinos were underrepresented.

Who Responded by Race/Ethnicity

Latinos Count 80

Percent 16.5

Blacks Count 165

Percent 34.0

Whites Count 207

Percent 40.8

Other Count 33

Percent 8.7

All Count 485*

Percent 100.0

*Race/ethnicity data for 22 respondents is missing.

Seventy-seven percent (76.9%) of the total number of homeless people counted on September 23, 1992 were under forty years of age, compared to 71.9% of those who completed the survey. Twenty-three percent (23.1%) of the total number of homeless were over forty years of age, compared to 28.1% of those who completed the survey. Thus, those under forty are slightly underrepresented in this report, and those over forty are slightly over represented.

Who Responded by Age

Under 40 Years of Age 40 Years & Older Row Total

Count 343 134 477*

Percent 71.9 28.1 100.0

*Age data for 30 respondents is missing

Eighty-three percent (83%) who completed surveys were in facilities on the night of the count and 17% were on the streets. This means that 70% of all those counted in facilities completed a survey and 40% of all those counted on the streets completed a survey.

Who Responded by Location

In Facilities Count 421

Percent 83

On the Streets Count 86

Percent 17

All Count 507

Percent 100.0

It is worth stressing that the data contained in this report applies only to those homeless people who completed survey forms in Pasadena on the night of the count. The generalizations and statements made regarding this information, may or may not apply to homeless populations in other places and at other times.

The Findings

I. Gender

A. Women

Key Findings

* 45% of the homeless women who completed the survey were Black, 32.3% were White, and 17.3% were Latina[1]

* 66.7% of homeless women surveyed on the streets had been homeless for over one year

* 6.3% of homeless women reported working part-time, and 10% reported working full-time

* 62.9% of homeless women surveyed received public assistance

* 29% of all female survey respondents had a child or children in their care

* 21.5% of homeless women felt they were at-risk for HIV/AIDS

* 86.1% of homeless women surveyed said they had a problem with alcohol and/or other drugs

Findings & Implications

Of the 1,017 homeless people counted in Pasadena on September 23, 1992, 30% were women. Eighty-five percent (85%) of these homeless women were counted in residential facilities, while 15% were living on the streets at the time. A total of 507 people that were counted last September completed a survey that provided the detailed information that we have cited in this report. Of those who completed the survey, 133 (27.5%), were women. Therefore, compared to their overall proportion of the homeless population counted, women were slightly less likely than men to have completed the survey form.

The race/ethnicity of homeless women differed significantly from the overall racial/ethnic profile of homeless men, and of the city of Pasadena as a whole. Forty-five percent (45%) of the homeless women who completed the survey were Black, 32.3% were White, 17.3% were Latina, 1.5% were Native American, 0.8% were Asian-Pacific, and 3.0% were from other, undetermined, racial/ethnic groups. Thus, almost 1 in 2 homeless women were Black; almost 1 in 3 were White; and less than 1 in 5 were Latina. This is in contrast to homeless men, 46.4% of whom were White, 30.1% of whom were Black, and 16.3% of whom were Latino. The overall ethnic composition of the city of Pasadena is 43% White, 27% Latino, and 18% Black. It is clear that among homeless women, Blacks were strikingly over represented, while Whites and Latinos were underrepresented. Efforts must be made to determine what unmet human service needs among Black women are potentially contributing to their high incidence of homelessness.

Regarding age among homeless women in Pasadena, 79.1% of homeless women were under 40 years of age, and almost half of all homeless women (48.1%), were 30-39 years of age. Eleven (11) homeless women were over fifty, and one woman was over 60 years of age. It is important to recognize that these older women may have human service needs that differ from the needs of younger homeless women.

The majority (89%) of homeless women were adults (18 years old or older) the first time they became homeless, and 73.4% of homeless women first became homeless between the ages of 18 to 39. This is comparable to the reported experience of homeless men. Again, with respect to older women, 4 were over 50, and one woman was over 60 years of age at the onset of homelessness.

One in five homeless women (21.3%), reported that they lived in Pasadena for less than one month, and one in two (49.9%) had lived in Pasadena for less than six months. But more than one in three (37.7%), had lived in Pasadena for over one year. Even though a large percentage of homeless women were relative newcomers to the city, it seems likely that a significant number of homeless women first experienced homelessness after moving into the area. Forty-three percent (43%) of homeless people overall reported first becoming homeless in Pasadena, and 70% of the homeless overall reported that they were first homeless in either the San Gabriel Valley or the City of Los Angeles.

How long a woman was likely to have been homeless depended on whether she was interviewed in a facility or on the streets. Forty-nine percent (48.7%) of those homeless women in facilities reported that they had been homeless for less than six months, while 45.9% reported that they had been homeless for over one year. Women who were interviewed on the streets, however, were more likely to have been homeless for a longer period of time. Thirty-three percent (33.4%) reported having been homeless for six months or less, but 66.7% of homeless women on the streets of Pasadena had been homeless for over one year. These chronically homeless women appear to have human service needs that are continually unmet.

Homeless women reported being relatively well-educated, with 67% reporting a high school diploma or greater. But homeless women were slightly less educated than homeless men, 78.7% of whom had a high school diploma or greater. Only 18% of those who reported having a college degree or higher level of education were women.

Homeless women were also less likely to be employed than homeless men. Only 6.3% of homeless women reported working part-time (compared to 13.5% of homeless men), and 10% of homeless women had a full-time job (compared to 26.8% of homeless men). Therefore, a homeless man was twice as likely to be employed as a homeless woman. Factors, including education, the finding that only 23% of homeless women reported access to a car, or that many homeless women bear the responsibility for their children's care, could influence the likelihood that a homeless women would be employed.

Eighty-four percent (84%) of those homeless adults surveyed, that had at least one child with them, were women. That means that 29% of all female survey respondents, and 2% of all male respondents, had a child in their custody. And since only 15.8% of homeless women reported being married, many of these women bear the sole responsibility for childcare. In fact, of the 38 family units encountered on the night of the count, 31 of these were female-headed, single-parent families, while 7 were two-parent families. These figures regarding parental responsibilities among the homeless might not only affect the figures regarding employment, but those regarding public assistance as well. Being a homeless parent presents added difficulties and responsibilities, but it also increases the range of public assistance benefits available to the family unit.

Homeless women were much more likely to report receiving public assistance than homeless men. Sixty-three percent (62.9%) of homeless women claimed to receive public assistance, while only 39.1% of homeless men made such a claim. But the minority of both homeless women (34.6%) and men (20.4%) were enrolled in publicly funded health care coverage programs: Medi-Cal and/or Medicare. These findings are quite distressing, for they raise serious questions about the accessibility of adequate health care for both homeless men and women. The finding that 29% of homeless women surveyed are also parents suggests that the health care needs of homeless children may also be inadequately addressed.

With respect to the health care issues reported by adult homeless women, one in four (25.8%) claimed to have a physical or mental disability that impaired their activities. One in four homeless women (24.2%) also claimed to be taking a medication for a physical or mental health problem (the degree of overlap between those reporting a disability and those taking medication is not known at this time). Twenty-six percent (26.5%) of all homeless women claimed to have had a prescription they could not fill

within the last 12 months, and 82% of homeless women claimed that they needed dental care. Homeless women were more likely than homeless men to claim a disability, to take medication, to have difficulty with a prescription, and to need dental care.

One of the most pressing contemporary health care issues is HIV/AIDS. Forty-eight percent (47.9%) of homeless women claimed that they knew their HIV status. It is not certain whether these women had actually been tested within the past six months, if they had ever been tested, or if they were merely speculating based on the presence or absence of symptoms and/or high-risk behaviors. The fact that only 21.5% of homeless women felt they were at-risk for HIV/AIDS, may indicate that more outreach and education, in addition to more access to testing, is necessary among the homeless.

Another health care issue among the homeless (and a risk factor for HIV/AIDS, as well) is substance abuse. Fifty-two percent (51.9%) of homeless women claimed a problem with alcohol, compared to 75.8% of homeless men. This gap between women and men narrows slightly with respect to drug abuse, 57.3% of homeless women and 70.9% of homeless men acknowledged a problem with drugs other than alcohol. When statistics are compiled regarding those who acknowledged a problem with either alcohol, other drugs, or both, 86.1% of homeless women who completed the survey claimed a substance abuse problem (compared to 92.7% of men, and 91.1% overall). Our count findings indicate that for many homeless women there is a family history of substance abuse, as well as a personal history. While homeless women (86.1%) were less likely than homeless men (92.7%) to claim a personal history of alcohol or other drug use, women were more likely to claim a family history of substance abuse. Seventy-three percent (72.6%) of homeless women said they had a family history of alcohol and/or drug use, compared to 67.1% of homeless men.

B. Men

Key Findings

* 46% of homeless men who completed a survey were White, 30% were Black and 16% were Latino[2]

* 76% of homeless men surveyed on the streets had been homeless for over one year

* 29% of homeless men overall were veterans, 40% of homeless men surveyed on the streets were veterans

* 79% of homeless men surveyed reported have a high school diploma or greater education

* 40% of homeless men surveyed reported working full-time (27%) or part-time (13%)

* 39% of homeless men surveyed received some form of public assistance

* 92.7% of homeless men surveyed said they had a problem with alcohol and/or other drugs

Findings & Implications

The largest and most visible group of homeless in Pasadena are adult males. Of the 1,017 people counted on the night of the count, this group numbered 542 and made up 70% of the Pasadena homeless population. Three hundred eighty-two (382, 70%) of these men were living in shelters or residential facilities for the homeless, and 160 (30%) were counted on the streets. Of the 507 respondents to the survey questions on the night of the count, 350 (69%) were men. Thus, the proportion of all homeless men counted equals the proportion that completed the survey questions.

The ethnic mix of the male survey respondents was 46% White, 30% Black, 16% Latino, and 8% other. In terms of age distribution, 293 (70%) of homeless men were under 40 years of age. Twenty-nine percent (29%) of homeless men, overall, reported that they were veterans, but 40% of those men surveyed on the streets were veterans. Fifty percent (50%) of all homeless men have lived in Pasadena six months or longer; and 42% report living in Pasadena over one year.

Of those homeless men interviewed in facilities, two-thirds indicated that they had been homeless in the past. Of these, 50% reported being homeless for a period of less than six months, and 42% reported a past homeless episode of over one year. On the streets, more homeless men reported experiencing longer episodes of homelessness. Twenty-four percent (24%) reported being homeless for less than six months, and 76% reported having been homeless for over one year.

Seventy-eight percent (78%) of homeless men claimed that they first became homeless before their 40th year, the median age bracket was between 30 and 39 years. Twenty-two (22) men reported having been over 50 years of age the first time they became homeless and 3 men were over age 60.

In terms of education, homeless men are roughly divided into equal thirds; 1/3 have less than a high school education; 1/3 have completed high school; and 1/3 have received some college or advanced education. One out of every 10 homeless men interviewed had a college degree. Unfortunately, these men are not enjoying what we expect to be the benefit of education.

Forty percent (40%) of all homeless men are employed either full (27%) or part-time (13%). A significantly higher percentage of men work as opposed to homeless women (16%), which may be related to the finding that 29% of all female respondents had their children with them, while this was so for only 2% of male respondents. Of those men who reported working, 42% have been at their jobs one year or longer. Presumably most of these jobs pay insufficient wages for these men to maintain a stable residence, but unfortunately our survey did not include questions about wage rates. The range of jobs held by homeless men is remarkably broad, including accountants, gardeners, and cooks. Roughly 3 out of 10 homeless men own their own automobiles so it is possible for them to come and go from work without anyone ever knowing about their difficulties. Yet for those 70% of homeless men without automobiles, lack of transportation could significantly impact their ability to find and hold employment.

Thirty-nine percent (39%) of homeless men receive income through some form of public assistance, a substantially lower percentage than women at 63%. Since men are not likely to have custody of a child, they are eligible only for General Relief; and this program's payments of $212 per month are insufficient to help homeless men in Pasadena make the transition to a permanent residence.

While we do not yet have data demonstrating the higher morbidity and/or mortality rates of the homeless, our survey clearly shows that homeless men lack access to health care. Twenty-one percent (21%) of homeless men report having a physical or mental disability that impairs their ability to perform adult daily activities like walking, eating, reading, etc., but only 20% of men reported being enrolled in Medi-Cal or Medicare. Sixteen percent (16%) of men reported taking medication for a physical or mental health problem, and of these 45% reported not being able to fill a prescription with the last 12 months. Sixteen percent (16%) of the overall male survey respondents reported not being able to fill a prescription within the last 12 months. Another indicator of the access problems of homeless men to health care is that 72% of homeless men reported needing dental care, services not typically covered by Medi-Cal or Medicare.

An indicator of the social isolation of homeless men is the fact that only 10% are currently married. The Pasadena findings are consistent with other research on the homeless which shows that even if married, homeless men are unlikely to be with their spouses (only 34.6% of those who were married claimed to be accompanied by their spouse). Another finding to come out of this research on homeless men is that only 4% state that they are living with a non-married, significant other. Yet the majority of homeless men who were interviewed on the streets claimed to be attached to some kind of social network. Forty-six percent (46%) of homeless men on the streets slept among a group of 2 -4 people, and an additional 21% slept among a group of 5-9 people. Only 21% of homeless men claimed to sleep unaccompanied.

Homeless men are ready to acknowledge that they know their HIV status, but they are apt not to consider themselves at-risk. Nearly 50% of homeless men responded affirmatively when asked if they knew their HIV status, but 81% feel they are not running the risk of infection.

Alcohol and other drug abuse have long been identified as major contributing factors to homelessness, and such was found to be the case in Pasadena. Over 91% of all homeless persons reported that they had some form of chemical dependency, and this is true for 92.7% of homeless men. A roughly equal number of homeless men reported having a problem with alcohol (76%) as did those claiming a problem with other drugs (71%). Compared with women, men are more likely to report problems in these areas, but women were more likely than men to report a familial history of drug or alcohol abuse. Still, 67% of homeless men said they came from a family where someone abused alcohol or other drugs. What these numbers point to is the need to support and expand the city's existing drug and alcohol recovery programs. Intervention in this area would make a significant impact on the problem of homelessness, particularly among the most visible segment of this population, adult men.

II. Race/Ethnicity

A. Latinos

Key Findings

* 54% of homeless Latinos had a high school education or higher [3]

* 39% of homeless Latinos worked either part-time or full-time

* 19% of homeless Latinos were married

* 30% of homeless Latinos had cars

* 19% of homeless Latinos feel that they are at-risk to AIDS

* 55% of homeless Latinos said that they have a problem with alcohol

* 57% of homeless Latinos said that they have a problem with drugs

Findings & Implications

The resurgence of homelessness since the early 1980s has impacted each of Pasadena's largest racial/ethnic groups. Of the 1,017 persons counted on the night of September 23, 1992, 24% were Latinos. On the night of the count there are at least 200 Latinos who are homeless and sleep on the streets or in the city's shelters. Approximately 16% of the respondents to the survey questions used for this report were Latinos. This means that Latinos are underrepresented in this report.

Equal proportions of each racial/ethnic group that comprises Pasadena's homeless population served as veterans. Twenty percent (20.5%) of all Latinos were veterans.

The educational attainment among homeless Latinos is higher than that of all Latinos in Pasadena. Fifty-four percent (54%) of homeless Latinos had a high school education or higher, whereas the percentage in the general Latino population is 45%.

Of Blacks, Whites, and Latinos, Latinos have the highest percentage of employed members (39%). Thirty-nine percent (39%) of homeless Latinos worked either part-time or full-time compared to homeless Whites (33%) or Blacks (27%).

Another interesting relationship is between alcohol and other drugs and physical disabilities. As a consequence of alcohol and other drug use, specific disorders can occur more frequently, such as serious skin disorders, severe upper respiratory infections, cardiac disease, hypertension, and active tuberculosis. It is interesting to note that of Blacks, Whites and Latinos, Latinos have the lowest percentage of alcohol and/or other drug use (85.4%) and the lowest percentage of members who reported a physical or mental disability (13%).

Also worth noting, is that low percentages of Latinos (19%), as well as Blacks (13%) and Whites (27%) perceive themselves as at-risk to the HIV/AIDS virus. The need for outreach and education into the homeless Latino population is clear. Workers undertaking this task should be culturally sensitive to those served.

Specialized treatment and active rehabilitation should be at the forefront not only for Latinos, but everyone as well. However, access to such specialized treatment is far from universal in Pasadena and the shortage of needed facilities is serious.

B. Blacks

Key Findings

* 71% of Blacks counted on the streets reported being homeless for more than 1 year [4]

* 44% of Blacks who were living in shelters on the night of the homeless count said that they had past episodes of homelessness that lasted more than one year

* 30% of homeless Blacks acknowledged a physical or mental disability

* 88% of homeless Blacks have a problem with either alcohol, other drugs, or both

* 82% of homeless Blacks need dental care

* 49% of homeless Blacks claim to know their HIV status

* 13% of homeless Blacks believe that they are at-risk to the HIV/AIDS virus

* 77% of homeless Blacks have a high school diploma or greater level of education

* 22% of homeless Blacks said that they were veterans

* 45% of all homeless women were Black

Findings & Implications

Of the 1,017 homeless persons counted on September 23, 1992, 36% were Black. The corresponding citywide percentage for the general population for Blacks is 18%. Therefore, Blacks are over represented among the homeless. An ethnic breakdown of the 507 survey respondents for this report reveals that 32.5% were Black. Again, with respect to the city wide population, Blacks are over represented in our survey sample, while they are slightly underrepresented with respect to their proportion in the overall homeless count.

Seventy-seven percent (77.4%) of homeless Blacks surveyed were under forty. It is very disturbing that so many Blacks become homeless at any age. Whether it is prior to age 40 or over, too many Blacks are on the streets of Pasadena. What is equally unacceptable, is their length of homelessness. Seventy-one percent (71%) of Blacks who were counted on the street reported that they had been homeless for more than one year. Forty-four percent (44%) of Blacks living in shelters on the night of the count said that they had past homeless episodes of more than one year.

Individuals with one or more disabilities are the most susceptible to homelessness. Nearly 1 of every 3 Blacks (30%) acknowledged a physical or mental disability compared to approximately 20% for Whites and Latinos. The threat of homelessness is also heightened because of other disabilitating conditions such as alcohol and drug abuse. Eighty-eight percent (88%) of Blacks who were homeless report a problem with alcohol, another drug, or both. Sixty-seven percent (67%) of homeless Blacks noted a history of substance abuse in their families.

Though Blacks (30%), more than Latinos (22%) and Whites (21%), are enrolled in Medi-Cal or Medicare, access to proper health care is not assured. This is evident in the low numbers of homeless Blacks (17%) who take medications for their health care problems and the fact that one in five (20%) were are unable to fill a prescription within the last 12 months. Another telling statistic is the number of homeless Blacks that need dental care--82%.

While it is noteworthy that nearly 50% of Blacks claim that they know their HIV status, it is alarming that so few (19%) believe that they are at-risk for AIDS. This reflects the need for AIDS related services to educate the Black community. Success in doing so is contingent upon the hiring and retaining of Black staff to outreach to the Black community.

Seventy-seven percent (77%) of homeless Blacks have a high school diploma or greater level of education, the same was true for 74% of Blacks in Pasadena's general population. Twenty-seven percent (27%) of homeless Blacks worked either full or part-time and 22% said they were veterans.

The most telling statistic within this study that reflects how homelessness has effected the Black family, is the number of Black women that are homeless. There are more homeless Black women than any other ethnic group. Forty-five percent (45%) of all homeless women were Black, 32% are White and 17% are Latina.

C. Whites

Key Findings

* 43% of homeless women and men were White [5]

* 8.3% of Whites were married and 91.7% were either single, separated, divorced or widowed

* 73% of Whites reported a problem with alcohol

* 69% of Whites reported a problem with drugs

* 93% of Whites reported a problem with alcohol or drugs

* 83% of Whites have a high school education or higher

* 20% of homeless Whites stated that they were veterans

* Half (50.1%) of Whites knew their HIV status

* 27% of Whites feel that they are at-risk to the AIDS virus

Findings & Implications

Of the 1,017 homeless men, women and children counted on September 23, 1992, 43% were White; 41% of the 507 respondents to the survey questions were also White. The corresponding percentage of Whites among the city's general population is 47%. Therefore, the White homeless population is slightly underrepresented in this report.

One of the key findings listed below concerns marital status. Of the 204 Whites who answered the survey question "What is your marital status?" 8.3%, or one of every 12, said they were married and 58.3% were single. More Blacks (12.3%) and Latinos (19.2%) had marriage partners. Whites also have higher percentages of members who were either divorced (23%) or widowed (2.9%).

Whites also acknowledged the lowest percentage of boyfriend and girlfriend relationships. Of the 53 Whites who answered the question, 4 (7%) said that they had a boyfriend or girlfriend. Thirteen percent (13%) of Latinos and 8% of Blacks said that they had a girlfriend or boyfriend.

Pasadena's White homeless community acknowledged that it has a problem with alcohol and drugs. Seventy-three percent (73%) reported a problem with alcohol, 69% reported a problem with other drugs, and 93% of homeless Whites reported a problem with either alcohol, drugs, or both. Their alcohol problems affect more of their members than Latinos (55%) or Blacks (68%), as well as their drug problems. Fifty-seven percent (57%) of Latinos and 67% of Blacks stated that they have a problem with drugs. Eighty-six percent (85.4%) of Latinos and 87.9% of Blacks report a problem with alcohol, other drugs or both.

Three other statistics about Whites are particularly noteworthy. Whites have a high level of education--83% stated that they have a high school education or higher. This is slightly lower than the educational level for Pasadena's White general population (89%). Twenty percent (20%) of homeless Whites stated that they were veterans.

The other statistic involves HIV/AIDS. Like Latinos (19%) and Blacks (13%), Whites (27%) who are homeless do not perceive themselves to be at-risk to the AIDS virus. The need for outreach into the homeless community is apparent.

III. Age

A. Children

Key Findings

* Of the 37 families with children, 31 were single female-headed households and 7 were two-parent families

* 50.8 percent of the children whose parents completed surveys were Latino, 26.2% were Black and 23% were White

* 43% of the children were females and 57% were males

* 48% of school age children were enrolled in school

* 80% of the children's immunizations were up to date

Findings & Implications

A total of 203 homeless children were counted on the city's streets and in shelters. Out of a total of 1,017 homeless adults and children, 1 of every 5 persons was a child seventeen years of age or less. These numbers are in line with national figures. The National Academy of Sciences estimated that of 735,000 people homeless on any given night, at least 100,000 are children.[6] Of the 507 people for which we have survey information,

65 were children.

Homeless children display a variety of problems according to workers within the city's shelters for parents with children. Homeless children tend to be shy and withdrawn, have eating and sleeping problems, and experience a number of developmental problems such as delays in language, social and

motor skills.[7]

Shelter workers receive reports from school teachers that confirm their observations.

Homeless children need frequent health care due to colds, fevers, repertory disorders and childhood diseases.[8] Shelter workers in Pasadena can seek medical attention and immuninizations

to prevent serious illness among homeless children from the Pasadena Public Health Department. Acute care for public school students can be obtained from Young & Healthy, a program which provides limited care to children who no medical insurance or other health care.

The questions specifically asked of parents about their children were: age, gender, race/ethnicity, school enrollment, grade and immunizations.

There were 45 homeless adults that who were with the 65 children for whom surveys were completed in Pasadena on the night of the count. There were 38 family units, thirty-one (31) were single-female headed households and 7 were two-parent families.

Number Of Children in Families

There were 25 families that had 1 child

There were 6 families that had 2 children

There were 3 families that had 3 children

There were 3 families that had 4 children

There was 1 family that had 7 children

Total There were 38 families that had 65 children

The race/ethnicity of these children is not evenly divided. Approximately half (50.8%) of them were Latino, 26.2% were Black and 23% were White. Among the Latino children, 39.4% were girls and 60.6% were boys. Sixty-five percent (64.7%) of Black children were girls and 35.3% were boys. Among White children, 26.7% were girls and 73.3% were boys.

Gender & Race/Ethnicity Of All Children[9]

Latinos Blacks Whites Row Total

Girls 13 11 4 28

Boys 20 6 11 37

Totals 33 17 15 65

The following table reveals the breakdown of ages among the homeless children whose parents completed the survey.

Ages Of Homeless Children 17 Years And Under

There were 7 children age 1

There were 8 children age 2

There were 3 children age 3

There were 11 children age 4

There were 4 children age 5

There were 3 children age 6

There was 1 child age 7

There were 0 children age 8

There were 6 children age 9

There were 4 children age 10

There were 6 children age 11

There were 2 children age 12

There were 6 children age 13

There were 3 children age 14

There were 0 children age 15

There were 0 children age 16

There was 1 child age 17

Total There were 65 children ages 1-17

Enrollment In School

Yes No Row Total

Girls

Latina 2 6 8

Black 6 2 8

White 2 2 4

Boys

Latino 6 8 14

Black 4 0 4

White 6 3 9

Total 26 21 47

Of the 65 homeless children, 47 were school age (includes 4 year olds who are eligible for pre-school). Of the school age children, 26 (55%) were enrolled in school and 21 (45%) were not. There were 22 Latino children eligible for school and 8 (36%) were in school and 14 (64%) were not. There were 12 Black children eligible for school and 10 (83%) were in school and 3 (17%) were not. There were 13 White children eligible for school and 8 (62%) were in school and 5 (38%) were not.

Of the 65 homeless children surveyed, 23 were girls and 31 were boys. There were 10 girls (43.5%) enrolled in school and 13 (56.5%) were not. Of the 31 boys, 16 (51.6%) were in school and 14 (48.4%) were not. The table below reveals the number of homeless children whose immunization shots are up to date. There were 47 (79.7%) children whose shots were up to date and 12 (20.3%) children whose shots were not. Answers to this question for six children were not available. Concerning race/ethnicity, 78.6% of Latino children had their shots up to date and 21.4% did not. Eighty percent (80%) of Black children and 81.2% of White children were current with their immunizations.

Children's Immunizations

Yes No Row Total

Girls

Latina 8 3 11

Black 8 2 10

White 4 0 4

Boys

Latino 14 3 17

Black 4 1 5

White 9 3 12

Total 47 12 59

B. Seniors

Key Findings

* 26 of the men and women surveyed became homeless for the first time after the age of fifty

* Nearly two-thirds of women and men surveyed and over 50 years of age have a monthly income of less than $500 per month

* 25 of 100 veterans (25%) were men 50 years or older

Findings & Implications

The percentage of elderly people among the homeless population is less than that among the general population in Pasadena. Approximately 3% of the 1,017 homeless persons counted on September 23, 1992 were 60 years or older. This same age group makes up 20% of the City's general population. In addition, 20.1% of the homeless population were 40 to 60 years of age.

There are several factors that may explain the percentage of homeless elderly people. The first is that when citizens and documented persons reach 62 years of age, they become eligible for entitlements such as Social Security, Medicare and subsidized senior housing. Secondly, many homeless elderly may be reluctant to use homeless services such as shelters. Most of Pasadena's shelters provide short term stays (60 days or less) and offer types of assistance that enable clients to find employment. Many older persons are unable to work because of physical problems and/or must rely on fixed incomes. Thus, there is a lack of willingness to accept services on the part of the elderly. To do so also implies a loss of independence. This may mean that the number of homeless elderly is greater than what we know.

Society needs to recognize that there are special difficulties for the elderly. Affordable housing is increasingly hard to find. Rents have increased far more than Social Security benefits, and children may be unwilling or unable to house their parents. Also, the rising costs of health care has eroded the economic gains for the elderly in the past two decades. [10] Seniors who have limited incomes

must choose among housing, utilities, food and medicine; if they cannot pay for it all. Some of the elderly are permanently handicapped, unattached to families, alcoholic and mentally ill. The elderly homeless are particularly vulnerable to health problems and abuse due to frailty.

IV. Location: A Comparison of Those Surveyed in Facilities and on the Streets

Key Findings

* 52% of the homeless surveyed on the streets of Pasadena first became homeless in Pasadena

* 87% of the homeless surveyed on the streets have been residents of Pasadena of over one year

* One out of three homeless persons on the streets (32%) and one out of five homeless persons in facilities (20%) are veterans

* While roughly equal proportions of those in facilities (11%) and on the streets (12%) have a part-time job, 25% of those in facilities have a full-time job compared to 2% of those surveyed on the streets

* One out of three homeless persons surveyed on the streets (34%) reported a physical or mental disability

Findings & Implications

Of the total homeless population of 1,017, 76% were counted in facilities on the night of the count, while 24% were on the streets. Eighty-six percent (86%) of the 203 children counted were in facilities, while 29 children (14%) were on the streets. With respect to the adult population, 74% were counted in facilities, while 26% were living on the streets.

Latinos, Blacks, and Whites were represented in the facility population in close proportion to the overall racial/ethnic composition of the homeless community. Of the 773 men, women and children located in facilities, 34% were Black, 33% were White, and 28% were Latino. Other ethnic groups comprised the remainder of 5%.

With respect to gender, 85% of the adult women who were homeless in Pasadena were staying in facilities, while 15% were living on the streets. Of the 542 adult men who were homeless in Pasadena, 70% were in facilities while 30% were living on the streets.

Of the 507 homeless adults that responded to the survey questions, 83% were counted in facilities and 70% of the total adult homeless population counted in facilities completed a survey form; while 40% of the total adult homeless population

counted on the street completed a survey form. The responses of those in facilities and those on the street were compared for each of the survey questions. The most significant findings are reported below.

Nearly one-quarter (24%) of the homeless surveyed on the streets are Pasadena natives. More significant, however, is the finding that 52% of those surveyed on the streets first became homeless in Pasadena. Thus, these individuals found themselves on the streets after establishing residency in the city. Forty-two percent (42%) of those in facilities, and 43% overall, were first homeless in Pasadena.

The street population surveyed were also longer-term Pasadena residents. Eighty-seven percent (87%) of those surveyed on the streets had lived in Pasadena for longer than one year. Thirty-four percent (34%) of those surveyed in facilities, and 42% overall, reported having lived in Pasadena for over one year on the night of the count. Unfortunately, those on the streets of Pasadena were also likely to have been homeless for over one year. Seventy-two percent (72%) of those surveyed on the street had been homeless for longer than one year on the night of the count. Forty-three percent (43%) of those in facilities reported having been homeless for over one year.

Thus, it appears that a significant proportion of the homeless on the streets of Pasadena have been homeless for quite a while. They are also likely to have been Pasadena residents prior to the onset of homelessness, and the majority have lived in the city for longer than one year.

A significant minority 32% of the homeless population on the streets, and 20% in facilities, reported that they were veterans. While homeless veterans were counted both on the streets and in facilities, it appears that there is a disproportionate number of veterans on the streets. One of every three adults counted on the streets were veterans, while one of every five men and women counted in facilities were veterans.

Those on the streets appeared as educated as those surveyed in facilities. They were, however, less likely to be employed. Overall, 15% of those on the streets were employed, compared with 36% of those in facilities. But differences in the employment patterns of the street and facility populations are more evident when part-time and full-time employment are considered separately. The percentage of those employed part-time was about equal for the street (12%) and the facility (11%) populations. But the numbers for full-time employment differ greatly between the street and facility respondents. Only 2 people (2%) surveyed on the street reported that they were employed full-time, while one-quarter (25%) of those in facilities had a full-time job.

Some reasons why those in facilities are more likely to be employed are obvious, many facilities encourage (or require) full-time employment, and their clients enjoy stable residence, access to clothing, showers, a phone, mail service, etc. But the differences between the street and facility respondents' employment patterns are underlined when you consider that women were over-represented in the facility population, and were less likely than men to be employed.

One finding of the count survey which may affect employment regarded access to a working automobile. Of the 79 people who had an automobile in working condition in Pasadena, 85% were surveyed in facilities, and 15% were surveyed on the streets.

It is interesting to note that whether one was surveyed on the streets or in a facility, it did not affect the likelihood that he or she was receiving public assistance, including Medi-Cal or Medicare. But less than one-half overall reported receiving public assistance (44% on the street; 45% in facilities); and less than one-quarter reported receiving Medi-Cal or Medicare (22% on the street; 24% in facilities). This finding might challenge the contention that the long-term homeless living on the streets are less likely to use all available human services than those in facilities.

The street population was more likely to claim a physical or mental disability than the facility population. Thirty-four percent (34%) of those surveyed on the street claimed such a disability, compared to 19% of those in facilities and 22% overall.

Those interviewed in facilities did not appear to have greater access to dental care than those on the street. Seventy-four percent (74%) of those in facilities and 76% of those on the street stated that they were in need of dental care.

Those in facilities (45%) were somewhat more likely to claim that they knew their HIV Status than those surveyed on the streets (38%). Those in facilities (20%) were significantly more likely, however, to feel at-risk for the AIDS virus than those on the street (6%). Thus, while the facility population may be somewhat better educated regarding the risk factors for HIV/AIDS, it would appear that on-going HIV/AIDS education is needed among Pasadena's homeless.

With respect to alcohol and other drugs, those in facilities were more likely to state that they had a problem than those surveyed on the streets. Seventy-one percent (71%) of those in facilities and 48% of those on the street, claimed to have a problem with alcohol. Seventy-two percent (72%) of those in facilities and 30% of those on the street, claimed to have a problem with other drugs. Similarly, 70% of those in facilities and 43% of those on the streets, claimed a family history of alcohol and/or other drug use. One factor which may affect these findings is that a number of the facilities in which people were surveyed specialize in substance abuse rehabilitation.

V. Veterans

Key Findings

* 100 (29%) of the men and 2 (1.5%) of the women counted in facilities and on the streets were veterans[11]

* 40% of the men counted on the streets were veterans

* 22% of homeless Blacks are veterans, 21% of Latinos and 20% of Whites who are homeless are veterans

* 53% of homeless veterans are under 40 years of age and 47% are 40 years of age and older

Findings & Implications

Veterans, like other homeless persons, share a variety of factors that keep them homeless such as chemical dependency, health care problems, and unemployment or underemployment. There is one difference between homeless veterans and the rest of the homeless: records of military service in defense of their country.

It has been estimated that at least one out of three homeless adults are veterans.[12]

According to the U.S. Government, this means that there are between 150,000 and 250,000 homeless veterans throughout the country on any given night. In Pasadena, 21.4% of those surveyed--100 male veterans and 2 female veterans--said that they were veterans. The two female veterans equals 1.5% of all women surveyed and the 100 male veterans equals 29% of all men surveyed. What is even more noteworthy is the fact that 40% of all men surveyed on the streets stated that they were veterans.

Veteran status cuts across racial/ethnic lines. Twenty-two per cent of Blacks, 20.5% of Latinos and 20% of Whites are veterans. Other racial/ethnic groups are represented, though in small numbers: 2 of 8 Asian/Pacific Islanders, 3 of 8 Native Americans and 1 of 1 Middle Easterner claimed veteran status.

Veterans under 40 years age (53.4%) have a higher percentage of representation than veterans over 40 years of age (46.6%). The question of how many Vietnam veterans there are among Pasadena's homeless is difficult to ascertain, since we did not ask that question. The number of men and women veterans who were 40 to 59 years of age represents 43% of the total amount of homeless veterans.

VI. Mobility and Social Networks

A. The Life-Histories of Homeless Adults

Key Findings

* 10% of homeless adults under 40 years of age reported first becoming homeless as a child (under 18 years of age)[13]

* 43% of count survey respondents first became homeless in Pasadena

* 42% of Pasadena's homeless have lived in the city for longer than one year

* 74% of the homeless surveyed on the streets claimed to have been homeless for longer than one year. Twenty-seven percent (27%) of those surveyed in shelters claimed to have been homeless for longer than one year

Findings & Implications

1. Age First Homeless

The vast majority of the adult homeless (92%) reported that they were over 18 years of age at the first onset of homelessness; and this proportion did not vary significantly with gender or ethnicity. The age of the respondent on the night of the count, however, did prove significant. Of the 37 (8%) adult homeless who reported first becoming homeless as children, only 2 (1%) were 40 years of age or older on the night of the count. In contrast, 10% of the total adult homeless population who were surveyed and who were under 40 years of age on the night of the count, were first homeless as children.

The fact that adults are first homeless as children may affect the social, economic, health and mental health issues that can complicate public policy, homeless intervention, and human service efforts. Coupled with the contention that homeless children are the fastest growing segment of the homeless population, important issues are raised regarding the 203 children counted among Pasadena's homeless on September 23, 1992. Without appropriate intervention, it is possible that a childhood

experience of homelessness may affect the likelihood that one will also experience homelessness as an adult; and this could affect the number of homeless adults further into the future, as well as their human service needs.

2. Pasadena Residency/City First Homeless

The majority of Pasadena's homeless (52%) reported that they had resided in the city for over six months, with 42% claiming Pasadena residency for a period longer than one year. Equal proportions reported having lived in Pasadena for less than one month (18%), and for more than 10 years (18%).

Gender and ethnicity did not seem to affect the length of residency in Pasadena, except that Latinos were less likely to have lived in the city for longer than one year (28.6% compared to 42% overall).

The age of a homeless individual did seem to significantly impact the likelihood that he or she had been a Pasadena resident for over one year. For those homeless persons over forty years of age, 58% reported that they had lived in Pasadena for over 1 year, compared to 35% of those under forty and 42% overall.

Coupled with the fact that 43% of the homeless reported that they were first homeless in Pasadena, (this rises to 70% when you include other San Gabriel Valley communities and the city of Los Angeles), it would appear that a significant number of Pasadena's homeless have not relocated from other parts of the state or nation, but in fact resided within the city or surrounding area prior to the onset of homelessness.

3. Length of Time Homeless

How long people were homeless varied depending on whether they were counted on the street or in a facility. For the 58 survey respondent who lived on the streets, 74% of homeless men and women reported being homeless for more than one year. Neither gender, race/ethnicity nor age significantly affected this outcome. Thus, those homeless surveyed on the streets were significantly more likely to have experienced a homeless episode of longer than one year than those respondents who were in a service facility.

Of those surveyed in facilities on the night of the count, 415 individuals were included in the count numbers because they met specific definitional criteria. Only 66% of these individuals defined themselves as homeless, however.

B. Short-Term Mobility and Social Networks

Key Findings

* 15% of survey respondents owned a working automobile that was in Pasadena[14]

* 88% of homeless people surveyed on the streets reported sleeping at the same location "every day" or "almost every day"

* 83% of homeless people surveyed on the streets reported sleeping in groups of two or more

* 21% of homeless men, and NO homeless women, reported sleeping unaccompanied on the streets.

* 57% of homeless people surveyed in facilities had resided there 60 days or less.

* 88% of the homeless population was either single, divorced, separated or widowed

* 29% of all homeless women surveyed, and 2% of all homeless men, were with a child or children

Findings & Implications

Short-term mobility describes an individual's ability to traverse the city in the course of their daily, weekly and monthly routines. A social network describes one's relationships with friends, family and formal human service providers that can serve as a source of material, logistical and emotional support. Short-term mobility and social networks are important issues for homeless people who, lacking a permanent, secure home-base, must often travel city streets in search of daily necessities, services, and companionship.

1. Access to an Automobile

One factor which can greatly influence any person's mobility is access to a working automobile. In the context of homelessness, however, access to an automobile is even more important since one's car often doubles as one's home. An automobile can provide access to shelter and storage, and can also be a place for socialization. Only 28% of Pasadena's homeless community who responded to the survey indicated that they owned a car. Whites (34%) and Latinos (30%) were slightly more likely, and Blacks (17%) slightly less likely than average to own a car.

Of the 134 car owners, 107 (80%) claimed that their car was in working condition, and 79 (59%) indicated that their car was in Pasadena. Thus, only 79 Persons, who represent 15% of the total number of survey respondents, have access to a car that can facilitate their daily travels. The remainder of the homeless must rely on public transit, friends, service providers, or their feet, to meet their transportation needs.

2. Homeless Encampments

Another facet of mobility relevant to homelessness is the tendency to compensate for the lack of a traditional residence by establishing a fixed home-base that serves as a point of constant return in the course of an individual's daily or weekly routines. For a homeless person this home-base can be a service facility, an automobile, an encampment, or one's "spot". In addition to serving as the starting and ending point of one's travels, a home-base can also anchor one's social network. One's home-base is often the site of social interaction, a place where social support networks and relationships are formed and sundered.

Those homeless adults on the street were asked how frequently they slept in the same location. Of the 53 people who responded, 88% claimed to sleep in the same place "every day" or "almost every day". In addition, 24% or 45 respondents claimed to have been sleeping in that location for over one year. These findings indicate the importance of establishing a home-base for all homeless people living on the street, as they were consistent across gender, ethnic and age groupings.

In addition, these locations often serve as the home-base for a number of homeless people, forming a network of social relations that can provide important material, logistical and emotional support, but which can also be potential sources of tension and conflict. Fifty percent (50%) of the 40 homeless people who responded reported sleeping with a group of 2 to 4 people. An additional 25% reported a group size of 5 to 9 persons. Only 21% of men who responded reported sleeping along. And while these numbers may be too small for finer categorizations, it is nonetheless significant that NO women reported sleeping unaccompanied on the streets of Pasadena.

3. Length of Stay in Facilities

Those counted in facilities on the night of the count were asked how long they had been residing at the facility. Seventy-nine percent (79%) indicated that they had been residing at the current location for less than 6 months and 57% indicated a residency of less than 2 months. In particular, 66% of women, 65% of Latinos and 62% of Blacks had been at the facility for 60 days or less. Only 12% indicated that they had been at the facility for longer than one year. These patterns can be attributed, in part, to the policies of the human service community in Pasadena. Many shelters have a 60 day or 6 month maximum stay. Since 27% of all homeless respondents in facilities did report being homeless for more than one year, we can assume that a significant number of the individuals counted in facilities have either spent a portion of their homeless episode on the streets, in other facilities, or both.

4. Primary Social Relationships

Both the street and facility populations were asked about the composition of their traditional social networks, i.e., family and girlfriend/boyfriends. Overall, only 12% of the homeless population indicated that they were currently married. Women (16%) however, were slightly more likely than men (10%) to be married. Fifty-eight percent overall (58%), were single; and 30% were either separated, divorced or widowed. Latinos were slightly more likely to be married (19%), and Whites were slightly more likely to be divorced (23%) than average. Those under 40 were more likely to be single (63%) than those who were 40 years of age or older.

Of the 55 people who claimed to be married, 42 indicated whether or not their spouse was in their company. While the overall numbers are low, it appears that married women were more likely to claim that their partner was with them. Sixty-nine percent (69%) of married women, and only 35% of married men said their husband or wife was in their company. Those under 40 (58%) were also more likely to claim that their spouse was present than those who were older (18%). The number of respondents was too few for significant comparisons to be drawn regarding ethnicity.

One hundred and twenty-nine (129) people responded to the question which asked if a girlfriend/boyfriend was present. The vast majority, 96% of men and 78% of women, responded negatively. This, coupled with the responses regarding marriage, indicate that many homeless people lack the primary attachment of a significant other, and the material, logistical and emotional support that such a relationship provides. Forty-five (45) adults had a child or children in their company. Of the 38 families with children, 31 were female-headed, single-parent families, and 7 were two-parent families. Thus, 84% of the homeless adults in Pasadena that had their children with them were women. This means that 29% of the homeless women who completed a count survey had at least one child with them, while only 2% of the men who completed a survey were with a child or children. Forty-three percent (43%) of the homeless adults in Pasadena that had a child or children with them were Black, 31% were Latino, and 26% were White. Not surprisingly, 83% of the homeless adults with children were under 40 years of age. Thus, a younger, homeless woman was most likely to have a child in her custody, particularly if she was Black. This means that she must not only meet her own needs, but those of her child as well. But she is also eligible for expanded public assistance, and she has the company of her offspring.

VII. Health

Health problems are so inextricably linked to homelessness that homelessness itself can be described as a type of high risk health problem. The advent of homelessness as well as its continuing experience can be defined as stressors that confer debilitating health trauma. In addition, homelessness complicates the treatment of health problems.

It is well documented that homeless people are at relatively high risk for a broad range of acute and chronic illnesses. Certain illnesses and health problems are frequent antecedents of homelessness. The most common of these are the major mental illnesses, especially chronic schizophrenia. As mentally ill people's disabilities worsen, their ability to cope with their surroundings--or the ability of those around them to cope with their behavior--becomes severely strained. In the absence of appropriate therapeutic interventions and supportive alternative housing arrangements, many wind up on the streets. Another contemporary example of illness leading to homelessness is AIDS. Other health problems contributing to homelessness include alcoholism and drug abuse.

The data used in this report does concern mental and physical disabilities, AIDS, alcohol and drug abuse. The data does not allow us to identify whether these health problems arose prior to, or during, people's homeless experience. The data does identify certain health care problems among the city's homeless--the young, the old, women, men, Latinos, Blacks, and Whites--and the levels of certain means by which homeless persons can obtain access to health care.

A. Medi-Cal & Medicare

Key Findings

* Approximately 1 out of every 5 homeless men (20.4%) and 1 out of every 3 homeless women (34.6%) receive Medi-Cal or Medicare[15]

* 30% of Blacks, 22% of Latinos and 21% of Whites who are homeless said they received Medi-Cal or Medicare

* 23% of homeless adults under 40 years of age, and 28% of homeless adults over 40 years of age, said they received Medi-Cal or Medicare

Findings & Implications

For homeless people, enrollment in Medi-Cal and Medicare is erratic and at least partially a function of circumstances. One's income and skill in negotiating the bureaucratic process are two reasons why one homeless person may have Medi-Cal or Medicare while another may not. Other obstacles include transportation costs and child care arrangements.

According to the Pasadena Health Department, approximately 20% of the population, or 25,645 persons in Pasadena, are receiving Medi-Cal. Only 25% of the homeless population said they received Medi-Cal or Medicare. This means that 75% of the population does not have adequate access to health care coverage.Two-thirds of the women (65.1%) indicated that they are not receiving Medi-Cal. Since homeless children are usually with their mothers, young girls and boys are probably not receiving proper health care--particularly preventive care, including immunizations.

Thirty per cent (30%) of Blacks, 21% of Latinos and 21% of Whites receive Medi-Cal or Medicare. Other racial/ethnic groups are represented, though in small numbers: 2 of 6 (33.3%) of Asian/Pacific Islanders and 3 of 8 Native Americans (37.5%) are getting Medi-Cal or Medicare.

It appears that older homeless people, who have greater health care needs, do not have significantly better access to health care than younger persons. About 28% of those persons over 40 years of age and 23% of those persons under 40 years of age receive Medi-Cal or Medicare.

B. Physical & Mental Disabilities

Key Findings

* 22% of homeless women and men had a physical or mental disability[16]

* 30% of Blacks, 21% of Whites and 13% of Latinos who were homeless had a physical or mental disability

* 18% of the homeless under 40 years, and 34% of those over 40 years, had a physical or mental disability

Findings & Implications

Most of the homeless are individuals who are functionally disabled in one or more ways, not only including physical or mental disabilities, but alcoholism, drug abuse and HIV/AIDS, as well. Reaching people on the streets, making the appropriate diagnosis and providing adequate services is a very difficult task. Outreach to homeless clients involves case identification, psychiatric assessment, triage, medication monitoring, crisis intervention, ongoing medical assessment and linkage to outpatient, inpatient and respite services.

Twenty-two (22%) of the people surveyed responded affirmatively to the above question. However, the reluctance of people with chronic mental illness to respond to such a survey or acknowledge their condition, and special difficulty contacting people who may remain isolated (particularly at night), may account for why only 22% of respondents acknowledged a physical or mental disability. This is to say that the numbers of disabled homeless mentally ill may be higher. The stigma attached to mental illness and mental health often hinder such questions as the above from being appropriately answered.

The basic argument for this report is that individuals with one or more disabilities are very susceptible to homelessness and may in fact have numerous barriers to getting off the streets. Consequently, homelessness poses many unique challenges for mental health providers. Ongoing efforts should be made to educate the public about the difficulties, problems and obstacles encountered by people with mental illness and their relation to the experience of homelessness.

There were 106 homeless men and women (22% overall) who stated that they have a physical or mental disability. According to the City's Accessibility and Disability Commission, this overall percentage of disabled homeless people is much higher than for the City's general population which is 15%. The above figures also suggest that the incidence of disability among women (25.8%) is higher than among men (20.8%).

The percentage of Blacks who reported a disability was strikingly high compared to Latinos and Blacks. Thirty percent (30.1%) for Blacks was more than twice the percentage for Latinos (12.7%), while 21% of Whites acknowledged a disability. Latinos are underrepresented, Blacks over represented and Whites evenly represented when compared to the proportion of overall respondents to this survey question.

An individual's age also affected the relevance of a disability to their experience of homelessness. Those homeless women and men 40 years and older acknowledged a higher percentage (33.6%) of disability than those persons under 40 years of age (18.2%). Few, if any, would disagree that older individuals with disabilities are vulnerable to becoming homeless, and experience many difficulties getting off the streets and into shelters, or moving from shelters into secure housing.

C. Disabilities & Equipment

Key Findings

* 11% of the women and 6% of the men who were homeless used equipment because of a disability[17]

* 6% of Latinos, 7% of Blacks and 8% of Whites who were homeless used equipment because of a disability

* 12% of homeless women and men over 40 years of age, and 5% of homeless women and men under 40 years of age, used equipment because of a disability

Findings & Implications

Because people with mental disabilities are very unlikely to use equipment, those homeless people who said they used equipment probably all have physical disabilities. Both men and women reported some use of equipment because of a disability. Women stated a slightly higher percentage (8.5%) than men (6.0%).

Though Blacks acknowledged disabilities more than Whites, fewer Blacks (6.8%) used equipment for their disabilities than Whites (7.7%). A higher percentage of Latinos (6.4%) also reported using equipment than Blacks even though they reported a lower percentage of disabilities.

Only 5.4% of homeless men and women under 40 years of age reported using any equipment for a disability. Twelve percent (12%) of those over 40 said they used such equipment. Thus, those homeless over 40 were twice as likely to use equipment for a disability as those under 40.

D. Medications

Key Findings

* 24% of the women and 16% of the men who are homeless in Pasadena reported taking medications for a disability[18]

* 8% of Latinos, 17% of Blacks and 22% of Whites who are homeless reported taking medications for a disability

* 36% of homeless women and men over 40 years of age, and 12% of homeless women and men under 40 years of age, reported taking medications for a disability

Findings & Implications

It appear likely that of the people who claim to have a physical or mental disability, a large proportion are taking medications. For example, 34 homeless women reported having a disability and 32 reported taking medications, and 72 homeless men reported having a disability and 56 reported taking medications. We are not certain at this time that the same individuals who claimed to take medications were those who claimed to have a disability, but if they are, then 94% of women and 76% of men are taking medications for their disabilities. Thus, it appears that service providers are quite successful in reaching those who acknowledge their disabilities, and that they may also be more successful in reaching women and/or women who are more responsible in taking medications than men.

Though Blacks are the one ethnic group with the largest percentage of physical and mental disabilities (see page 23), not as large of a percentage of Blacks reported taking medications as Whites. Seventeen percent (17.1%) of Blacks, 21.6% of Whites and 7.5% of Latinos were taking medications.

The percentage of those homeless people 40 years of age and older (36.9%) that stated that they were taking medications was nearly three times that of homeless persons under 40 years of age (12%). This is consistent with the fact that the percentage of homeless persons 40 years and older (33.6%) that acknowledged a physical or mental disability was nearly twice that of those homeless women and men under 40 years of age (18.2%).

E. Prescriptions Not Filled Within The Last 12 Months

Key Findings

* Of the 88 homeless people who claimed to be taking medications, 42% had a prescription they could not fill within the last 12 months [19]

* 27% of all homeless women and 16% of homeless men had a prescription they could not fill within the last 12 months

* 19% of all Latinos, 20% of Blacks and 17% of Whites who are homeless had a prescription they could not fill within the last 12 months

* 17% of all homeless men and women under 40 years of age, and 24% of all homeless men and women over 40 years of age, had a prescription they could not fill within the last 12 months

Findings & Implications

Almost half (42%) of the homeless women and men who were on medications for a physical or mental health problem were unable to fill a prescription at some time in the past year. Presumably, many of the prescriptions are for chronic health problems and must be taken on a regular long-term basis to control conditions such as seizures, heart disease, high blood pressure, depression and schizophrenia.

While regular medication can control health problems and increase an individual's potential to achieve a more stable lifestyle, erratic therapy can exacerbate physical or mental health problems, destabilize individuals and ultimately contribute to increased social problems.

For the homeless access to health care is difficult. For many, being able to afford medication after accessing medications is through Medi-Cal and Medicare. Seventy-five percent (75%) of the homeless, however, do not receive Medi-Cal or Medicare which eliminates one way of affording medications.

Overall, more homeless women (26.5%) than homeless men (15.7%) stated that they could not fill a prescription within the last 12 months. Overall, approximately 1 of every 5 Latinos (19%), Blacks (20.2%) and Whites (17.1%) could not fill a prescription in the last 12 months. Twenty-four percent (24.4%) of those homeless persons 40 years of age and older and 17.1% of the homeless under 40 years of age were unable to fill a prescription within the last 12 months.

F. Dental Care

Key Findings

* 82% of homeless women and 72% of homeless men needed dental care [20]

* 71% of Latinos, 82% of Blacks and 69% of Whites who are homeless needed dental care

* 74% of homeless men and women under 40 years of age and 76% of homeless men and women over 40 years of age needed dental care

Findings & Implications

Homelessness increases the risk of developing health problems. While some health problems such as malnutrition, degenerative joint diseases and skin disorders are commonly associated with homelessness, problems related to lack of dental care can be overlooked. This report reveals that their is a tremendous need for preventive care and curative dental services among members of Pasadena's homeless community.

Seventy-five percent (74.9%) of the homeless acknowledged a need for dental care. More women (82%) than men (72%) noted their need for proper care.

The necessity for dental care is true for all racial/ethnic groups. Blacks, however, reported a greater need (81.6%) than Latinos (71.3) and Whites (69.4%).

The need for dental care was about the same for both age groups. Women and men 40 years of age and older stated a slightly greater need for care than those under 40 years of age.

G. HIV Status

Key Findings

* 48% of homeless women and 49% of homeless men know their HIV status [21]

* 41% of Latinos, 49% of Blacks and 50% of Whites who are homeless know their HIV status

* 49% of homeless men and women under 40 years of age, and 49% of homeless men and women 40 years of age and older, know their HIV status

Findings & Implications

Very little is known of the seroprevalence of HIV infection in homeless populations and virtually nothing is known of the history and outcome of those who suffer with this infection while living on the streets or in shelters. What can be safely concluded is that homeless people with HIV/AIDS face significant health hazards during the daily struggle for survival on the streets or in shelters. They are at significant risk for excess morbidity and mortality when compared to those having the stability and safety of homes. Homeless persons with HIV infection need a stable residence and routine in order to maintain the best health possible under the circumstances.

Nearly 50% of the homeless said that they knew their HIV status--49% of the men and 48% of the women. It is difficult to ascertain from the question whether they assume that they know their status because they feel that they do or do not demonstrate any symptoms, or engage in high-risk activities, or if they were in fact tested.

More Whites (50.1%) and Blacks (49.3) reported that they knew their HIV status than Latinos (41.5%). The small numbers of Asian/Pacific Islanders, Native Americans and Middle Easterners also responded pretty evenly. Of the 6 Asian/Pacific Islanders, 3 said yes and 3 said no. Five (5) of 9 Native Americans said yes and the lone Middle Easterner said no.

Age did not appear to affect the responses. Forty-nine per cent (48.6%) of the women and men under the age of 40 said yes and 49.1% of the women and men 40 years and older said yes.

H. At-Risk to the AIDS Virus

Key Findings

* 19% of homeless men and 22% of homeless women felt that they were at-risk for HIV/AIDS [22]

* 19% of Latinos, 13% of Blacks and 27% of Whites who are homeless felt that they were at-risk for HIV/AIDS

* 20% of homeless women and men under 40 years of age, and 18% of homeless women and men 40 years of age and older, felt that they were at-risk for HIV/AIDS

Findings & Implications

The immediacy of survival on the streets and in shelters is the primary concern and full-time occupation of homeless people. Life must be lived in the present, and often little thought be can afforded to future concerns. It may be because of this reason that so few of the homeless feel at-risk to AIDS.

Only 19.7% of homeless adults perceive themselves as at-risk to AIDS--19% of men and 21.5% of women. This is a surprisingly low number due to the high risk of substance abuse identified by the homeless. Over 90% of the homeless stated that they have a problem with drugs or alcohol (see page 53). Substance abuse puts individuals at a much greater risk of contracting the HIV disease.

Incidence of HIV/AIDS is growing rapidly in the Black and Latino population. However, 87% of homeless Blacks do not perceive themselves at-risk, nor do 84% of homeless Latinos. This only differs moderately from the 73% of homeless Whites who do not perceive themselves at-risk.

Apparently, awareness and knowledge of HIV/AIDS does not change with age. Women and men 40 years and under perceived themselves at-risk just slightly higher (20.1%) than women and men 40 years and over (18%).

The answers to the above two questions reflect some awareness and knowledge of HIV/AIDS within the homeless community. It is apparent, however, that many of Pasadena's homeless do not perceive themselves at-risk. Questions concerning sexual activity were not part of the survey, but the high-risk behavior of substance abuse was reported by a majority of the homeless. That this survey underlines the need for greater prevention education among the homeless is apparent. When information and risk reduction education is made available, individuals will only take in and process this information if they perceive themselves at-risk. HIV is a completely preventable disease, but when so few in any population do not perceive themselves to be at-risk, it is no wonder that HIV continues to spread at the alarming current rate.

A few important facts regarding HIV/AIDS is worth mentioning. The HIV anti-body test has a 6 week to 6 month window period which means the anti-bodies will not show up on the test if infection with HIV has occurred within the window period. Therefore, people engaging in high-risk behavior should be tested regularly every 6 months. Currently, there is great concern within the HIV community due to lack of funding and continuous cuts for HIV testing.

I. Family History of Substance Abuse

Key Findings

* 73% of homeless women and 67% of men said they had a family history of substance abuse[23]

* 62% of Latinos, 67% of Blacks and 71% of Whites who were homeless said they had a family history of substance abuse

* 73% of homeless men and women under 40 years of age, and 58% of homeless men and women 40 years of age and older, said they had a family history of substance abuse

Findings & Implications

Alcoholics and drug users are probably the least likely of any group in the homeless population to elicit public sympathy. Many have received unflattering labels, even public scorn. Labels such as winos, degenerates, burnouts and derelicts have often been used.

It has been suggested that patterns of alcohol and drug abuse within facilities are passed from one generation to the next. Whether this is due to genetic or environmental factors, or both, is still unclear however. The high instances of reported family and personal histories of substance abuse in our survey would tend to support arguments for the inter-generational transmission of chemical dependency behaviors.

The data in the above table reveals that there was/is extensive alcohol and drug problems in the families of Pasadena's homeless. Women reported a slightly higher figure (72.6%) than men (67.1%) for a combined average of 69%.

The largest gap between any two groups of homeless populations concerning family history of alcohol and drug abuse is revealed by age. Seventy-three (72.5%) of women and men under 40 years of age acknowledged family abuse compared to 58.4% of those 40 years of age and older. Few, if any, would disagree that alcohol and other drug abuses have increased over the past few decades. This is one obvious reason why women and men under 40 years come from more families with greater substance abuse problems than those women and men 40 years of age and older.

J. Alcohol

Key Findings

* 76% of homeless men and 52% of homeless women reported a problem with alcohol[24]

* 55% of Latinos, 68% of Blacks and 73% of Whites who were homeless reported a problem with alcohol

* 72% of homeless women and men under 40 years of age, and 61% of homeless women and men 40 years of age and older, reported a problem with alcohol

Findings & Implications

The truth is that homelessness is not new to America--people have always lived in its margins. Whatever the differences in today's homeless population compared to past decades, one problem in particular has remained constant: alcohol abuse. As in times past, society is impatient with the plight of homeless alcoholic street people and their behaviors. It must be remembered, however, that alcoholism is a treatable condition.

Pasadena's homeless community acknowledged that it has a problem with alcohol. Nearly 70% (69.3%) of all homeless men and women responded affirmatively. Three of every four men (75.8%) and 1 of every 2 women (51.9%) believe that they have a problem with alcohol.

One of the biggest percentage gaps within this report concerns race/ethnicity and alcohol. Approximately 3 of every 4 Whites (73.4%), 2 of every 3 Blacks (67.5%) and 1 of every 2 Latinos (54.5%) have a problem with alcohol. Not only do fewer Latinos have a problem with alcohol, but they also reported that their family histories of alcohol and other drugs (61.6%) were higher than their own personal histories (54.5%). This was not the case for Blacks and Whites. The percentage of Blacks that claimed a family history of substance abuse (67.1%) was equal to the percentage that claimed a personal history (67.5%). It is nearly the same for Whites. The percentage claiming a family history (71.2%) was slightly lower than the percentage claiming a personal history (73.3%) of substance abuse problems.

The problems between homelessness and alcohol are shared slightly more among the younger than the older. More women and men under the age of 40 have a alcohol problem (71.7%) than those 40 years of age and older (61.1%).

K. Other Drugs

Key Findings

* 57% of homeless women and 71% of homeless men reported a problem with drugs[25]

* 57% of Latinos, 67% of Blacks and 69% of Whites who were homeless reported a problem with drugs

* 72% of homeless men and women under 40 years of age and 53% of homeless women and men 40 years of age and older reported a problem with drugs

Findings & Implications

Other drug abuse such as the use of cocaine and its derivatives, heroin and other illegal substances are also a long-standing problem among homeless people; particularly during the past few decades. However, by the mid-1980s, the doors appeared to be thrown wide open to all kinds of experimental drugs. Whether it's the one shot in the arm, a few hits off a pipe or a half dozen snorts, all kinds of new drugs, the result of mixing classical opiates such as opium, morphine and heroin with synthetic narcotics for heightened effects, were readily available to society including the homeless.

The percentage gap that exists between men and women concerning alcohol, noticeably narrows concerning drugs. More women stated a problem with drugs (57.3%) than alcohol (51.9%) and a smaller percentage of men claimed a drug problem (70.9%) than with alcohol (75.8%).

Latinos not only reported a less sever problem with alcohol than Blacks or Whites, the same was true for drugs. Fifty-five (54.5%) Latinos acknowledged a problem with drugs, while 67.3% of Blacks and 68.5% of Whites admitted to a problem with drugs.

As with alcohol, the use of drugs is more common among younger men and women than older. Adults under 40 years of age noted a 71.7% problem with drugs, while adults 40 years of age or older stated a 53.3% problem with drugs.

L. Alcohol & Other Drugs

Key Findings

* 91.1% of homeless men and women had a problem with alcohol and/or drugs--92.7% of the men and 86.1% of the women[26]

* 93.3% of Whites, 87.9% of Blacks and 85.7% of Latinos who were homeless had a problem with alcohol and/or drugs.

* 91% of women and men under 40 years of age and 91% of the women and men 40 years of age and older had a problem with alcohol and/or drugs

Findings & Implications

The relationship between alcohol and drugs and homelessness is intense. The data within this report reveals that problems with alcohol and drugs is the biggest most frequent single disorder diagnosed among the city's homeless population.

Men (92.7%) have a slightly higher problem with alcohol and drugs than women (91.1%). Only 17 out of 215 men and 10 out of 62 women said that they did not have a problem with alcohol and drugs.

Of the 3 largest ethnic groups, Whites (93.3) have the highest percentage of members who have a problem with alcohol and/or drugs. Blacks (87.9%) were next and Latinos (85.4%) followed. Though the number of respondents from other ethnic groups were few, it is worth noting their responses. One hundred percent (100%) or Five (5) of 5 Asian/Pacific Islanders, 6 of 6 Native Americans, 10 of mixed race and 1 of 1 Middle Easterner stated that they had a problem with alcohol or drugs.

Age did not differentiate the respondents. Persons under 40 years of age and 40 years of age or older acknowledged a high percentage (91%) of problems with alcohol and/or drugs.

VIII. Income

Key Findings

* 63% of homeless women and 39% of homeless men said they received public assistance[27]

* 42% of Latinos, 48% of Blacks and 47% of Whites said they received public assistance

* 45% of women and men under 40 years of age and 49% of men and women 40 years of age or more said they received public assistance

Homeless people have various income possibilities which include working or applying for different forms of public assistance such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), Disability, Food Stamps, General Assistance, Social Security, Special Supplemental Food Program for Women, Infants and Children (WIC), Supplemental Security Income or Unemployment.

Although the majority of homeless persons qualify for one or more types of assistance, many are unable to secure it. The paperwork can be daunting and the lack of a permanent residence precludes many individuals from receiving benefits. Moreover, in order to receive General Relief, an individual has to work a set number of hours on county projects in addition to procuring signatures from 24 prospective employers per two month period. Those who fail to meet these criteria are suspended from General Relief for two months. After two months, such persons may reapply for benefits.

The results of this survey shows that 63% of women and 39% of men reported that they received some form of public assistance. The reason why a greater number of women receive assistance might be related to the fact that children remain with them, thus making them eligible for a wider range of public assistance programs.

Regardless of the source, homeless people generally do not have large monetary resources at their disposal to purchase basic goods and services for themselves and/or for their children. For example, if we assume that most men receive General Relief, this means they would have a monthly income of $212 plus food stamps. Women with two children receive $649 in Aid to Families with Dependent Children.

Race/ethnicity did not greatly impact an individual's likelihood of receiving public assistance. Slightly larger percentages of Blacks (47.5%) and Whites (47.1%), however, receive public assistance than Latinos (42.3%). A slightly larger percentage of homeless women and men 40 years of age and older (48.5%) received public assistance than those men and women under 40 years of age (44.8%).

IX. Employment

Key Findings

* 33% of homeless women and men worked full-time or part-time[28]

* 41% of homeless men had a full-time or part-time job

* 16% of homeless women had a full-time or part-time job

* 23% of Latinos, 17% of Blacks and 23% of Whites who were homeless had full-time jobs

* 16% of Latinos, 10% of Blacks and 10% of Whites who were homeless had part-time jobs

* 22% of homeless women and men under 40 years of age and 21% of men and women 40 years of age or older had a full-time job

* 12% of homeless women and men under 40 years of age and 9% of men and women 40 years of age or older had a part-time job

* 92% of the homeless women and men who work full-time or part-time jobs were counted in facilities, while only 8% of men and women counted on the streets worked full-time or part-time.

* 8% of homeless men and women who live on the streets work either full-time or part-time

Homelessness, both results from, and causes various systemic and personal difficulties. A person's ability or inability to secure employment is one such factor. Some people become homeless because they lack steady employment and therefore sufficient income. Other people, after becoming homeless, find themselves unable to access the work force for numerous reasons sited below.

Seventy-seven percent (77%) of homeless adults do not work. Considering the many obstacles, it is surprising that the number is not higher. Twenty-two percent (22%) of respondents reported that they had either a physical or mental disability which impaired activities such as breathing, eating, reading, walking, etc. These disabilities are likely to severely limit, if not completely prohibit, these persons from finding and keeping regular employment. For many veterans, Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) prevents them from maintaining permanent employment.[29]

Ninety-one percent (91%) of respondents reported a problem with alcohol and/or drugs. Such problems also impede the search for, or maintenance of, full-time or part-time jobs.

Other typical barriers which prevent homeless men and women from participating regularly in the work force include: low self-esteem, need for child care and past convictions and/or arrest records. Another serious barrier is lack of access to a shower, lack of transportation, lack of sleep and feelings of anxiousness over access to available shelter. Also, a job search is nearly impossible without access to an address, phone and reliable message center. In spite of these barriers, 33% of respondents worked full-time or part-time. [30]

Forty-one percent (41%) of men worked either full or part-time, while 16% of women worked either full or part-time. The task of locating affordable child care may be one reason why women were less likely than men to be employed. The majority of adults who were surveyed and had children with them were women (38 of 45).

A significant finding is that 92% of women and men living in facilities for the homeless reported working either a full-time or part-time. This statistic clearly points to the necessity of shelter for employment. Pasadena job placement and career development agencies attest to the fact that many homeless persons have work skills; what they lack is the skills necessary to find and keep a job. One agency has found it imperative that homeless clients have some form of housing and a minimum of four months of sobriety, for without such stabilizing factors job search and job retention proves to be nearly impossible.[31]

X. Education

Key Findings

* 2 of every 3 homeless women (67%) and 4 of every 5 homeless men (79%) claimed to have a high school education or greater[32]

* More than half (54%) of Latinos, more than three-quarters (77%) of Blacks and more than four-fifths (83%) of Whites who were homeless claimed to have a high school education or greater

* Three-quarters (74%) of homeless women and men under 40 years of age, and four-fifths (80%) of homeless women and men over 40 years of age, claimed to have a high school education or greater

The educational attainment among the homeless is somewhat higher than might be expected. Nearly three of four (72%) Latino, Black and White homeless adults surveyed have a high school education or higher. This statistic compares favorably with the general population of Pasadena--69% of Latino, Black and White Pasadena's have a high school degree or higher.

While this finding may seem surprising because of the presumed connection between homelessness and educational deficiencies, other surveys have revealed similar findings. In a study of homeless people in Austin, Texas, 67% of the homeless had a high school degree or higher compared to 77% for the general population of the city.[33]

The table below compares each homeless racial/ethnic group with each racial/ethnic group within the city's general population. Both homeless Latinos and Blacks have a higher percentage of members who completed high school than the same racial/ethnic groups in the general population. Fifty-five percent (55%) of homeless Latinos completed high school and 45% of Latinos within the general population. Seventy-seven percent (77%) of homeless Blacks completed high school compared to 74% of Blacks in the general population. Homeless Whites (83%) had a slightly lower percentage of members completing high school than the general population of Whites (89%).

Educational Attainment

High School Diploma

Latino

Homeless 55%

General population 45%

Black

Homeless 77%

General Population 74%

White

Homeless 83%

General Population 89%

Average Percent

For Homeless 71.6%

Average Percent

For General Population 69.3%

Needs and Recommendations

The key findings, as well as other findings in this report, reveal complex needs and suggest numerous public policy recommendations. The authors of this report , however, offer the following recommendations that focus on local issues and strategies and which they believe will be effective and feasible. Issues not within the immediate purview of local government and human service provision such as public assistance, affordable housing, employment opportunities, affordable child care and others, have not been specifically discussed even though they are relevant to the data. It is the hope of this committee that the feasibility of the recommendations is apparent, thus generating the good will of our community to work for their implementation.

I. HOMELESS PREVENTION PROGRAM

Findings:

* 43% of homeless adults surveyed first became homeless in Pasadena while living in Pasadena.

* 42% of homeless adults surveyed have lived in Pasadena for more than one year

* 203 children (20%) were homeless in Pasadena on the night of the count

* 31 of 38 (82%) family units surveyed were headed by single women.

Need:

Homeless Prevention Program--An outreach and intervention program to prevent homelessness among low-income singles and families who are at-risk for first-time or recurring homelessness.

Recommendation:

The primary goal of the outreach and intervention program is to reduce the incidence of homelessness for low-income singles and families currently living in Pasadena by developing a prevention-based case management and support model for identifying and addressing the root causes of homelessness. A neighborhood outreach team of case managers will identify low-income singles and families, particularly low-income women who head single-parent households, considered to be either in imminent danger of homelessness or exhibiting needs or behavioral patterns which place them at-high-risk for homelessness. The intervention component will work to: 1) enhance the living conditions of low-income singles and families who are determined to be at-risk for first-time or recurring homelessness; 2) provide services which improve the physical, social and educational development of singles and families served by the program; and 3) increase the self-sufficiency of program clients, particularly low-income women who head single-parent households. Thus, program components will introduce methods for identifying families at-risk to homelessness in the community and will implement an intervention system for prioritizing and responding to client needs.

The program will maximize the use of existing local human service resources, while developing a strong cadre of professionals familiar with the needs of local singles and families in poverty and experienced in providing services which are effective in keeping them housed, intact, independent and--when possible--out of poverty. Singles and families who are identified through this program will be screened and referred to the appropriate community resources. They will be linked to case managers with whom they identify in terms of gender, culture and background who will provide ongoing psychological, social and financial counseling. Singles and families will be linked to a broad range of community-based supportive services including welfare advocacy, drug and alcohol treatment, health and mental health care, child care, child development, parenting classes, basic literacy, youth and adult education, employment training, counseling and placement, and housing advocacy and eviction or foreclosure intervention.

II. STREET OUTREACH TEAM

Findings:

* 72% of homeless adults surveyed on the streets were homeless for more than one year.

* 40% of homeless men surveyed on the streets were veterans

* 88% of those surveyed on the streets stated that they slept in the same location "every day" or "nearly every day."

* 34% of those surveyed on the streets have a physical or mental disability

Need:

Street Outreach Team--An outreach team with coordinated case management to help the chronically homeless who have been living on the streets.

Recommendation:

The primary goal of a street outreach team program with coordinated case management is to identify homeless people who are in need of services to help their exit from the streets and into the continuum of care provided by community human service providers. Homeless people living on the streets have multiple service needs. The provision of such services is complicated by the absence of a home-base.

The program will maximize the use of existing local human service resources and develop a strong cadre of professionals familiar with the needs of people living on the streets and experienced in providing services which are effective in helping them enter into the community's continuum of care. Singles and families who are identified through this component will be screened and referred to the appropriate community resources. They will be linked to case managers with whom they identify in terms of gender, culture and background. In addition, the team will be comprised of individuals, some of whom may be formerly homeless, that have a through understanding of issues suggested by the count data. For example, team members should have personal experience relating to concerns such as veterans' issues, substance abuse and physical and mental disabilities. These team members will provide ongoing psychological, social and financial counseling. Singles and families will be linked to abroad range of community-based supportive services within the continuum of care. Such services include housing advocacy, welfare advocacy, drug and alcohol treatment, health and mental health care, child care, child development, parenting classes, basic literacy, youth and adult education and employment training, counseling and placement. It is also recommended that at least one member of the street outreach team be a veteran to insure peer outreach to homeless veterans who live on the streets.

III. CHRONIC HOMELESS INTERVENTION PROJECT

Findings:

* 24% of Pasadena's homeless were counted on the streets

* 72% of homeless adults surveyed on the streets were homeless for more than one year

* 34% of homeless adults surveyed on the streets had a physical or mental disability

* 91% of homeless adults reported a problem with alcohol or other drugs

* 2% of homeless adults surveyed on the streets were employed full-time.

Need:

Chronic Homeless Intervention Project--A temporary residential facility that comprehensively addresses the complex psychological, social and personal causes of long-term homelessness.

Recommendation:

The primary goal of this intensive, multi-service project will be to help chronically homeless women and men--those living on the streets for more than one year--to make a permanent, satisfactory transition first into short-term group housing and treatment programs, and later into long-term employment and permanent housing.

The general approach of this intensive intervention program will be to provide the highest quality and range of interdisciplinary services in the least restrictive and most linguistically and culturally sensitive manner possible. To this end, the program will provide a comprehensive continuum of social and psychological services which address individual client needs within a residential setting. Direct program services will work to modify the dysfunctional behaviors of chronically homeless clients, while intensive and supportive case management links them to the local continuum of agencies and programs which will be able to effectively meet their social, personal, psychological and financial needs. The program will promote the above principles in order to ensure that necessary skills are developed so that the client can function successfully in a community, housing and/or employment setting, as appropriate.

IV. SOBERING STATION AND DETOXIFICATION PROGRAM

Findings:

* 91% of homeless adults reported a problem with alcohol or other drugs.

Need:

Sobering Station and Detoxification Program--A program that will serve as an entry point for a long-term commitment to alcohol and drug treatment services.

Recommendation:

The primary purposes of the sobering and detoxification programs are: 1) to detoxify and facilitate withdrawal from mood-altering chemicals; 2) to evaluate the individual's present and potential chemical dependency; 3) to intervene in this dependency by introducing support from family members, employers, nurses, counselors and other influential persons; and 4) to refer the client to appropriate inpatient or outpatient treatment facilities in order to attempt to overcome chemical dependency. The service population will be women and men 18 years of age and over who are either addicted to alcohol and/or other drugs, or who are at serious-risk for alcohol or drug addiction.

V. TRANSITIONAL HOUSING PROJECT FOR FAMILIES WITH CHILDREN

Findings:

* Of the 38 homeless families counted, 31 families were headed by single-female households and 7 families were headed by two-parent households.

Need:

Transitional Housing Project--A transitional housing project for families coming out of houseless shelters.

Recommendation:

The primary purpose for a service-enriched transitional housing project for families with children will be supply such families with affordable housing upon their exit from homeless shelter programs. The project will charge rents affordable to very low-income families and residency in the project can be extended for up to two years as long as the family is actively participating in the project's social service program aimed at preparation for self-sufficiency and independent living. The social service component will include counseling and therapy, employment training, financial counseling, parenting classes and housing and employment referral services.

Conclusion

The City of Pasadena 1992 Homeless Count: Final Report was the product of a unique relationship between the City of Pasadena, the Pasadena Housing and Homeless Network, members of the homeless community, community volunteers, and other housing and homeless service providers. The findings of this report must be used to further approaches already designed and give new direction to future efforts to end homelessness in Pasadena. In order for this to be realized, the continued cooperation of all who participated in the count and in this report is essential. The continued participation of the homeless community in the political processes that directly effect their lives is also crucial.

Even before this report, it was apparent to many within our city that the needs of the homeless community are complex. It is also clear that to implement programs and policies to assist homeless women, men and children requires extensive resources. This report can offer numerous recommendations regarding the ways that our community can plan for, and organize our efforts to meet the needs of the many adults and children who are struggling to survive homelessness. Improved program administration, additional funding and in-kind contributions, linkages of service provision, and volunteer recruitment are a some means of addressing the issues surrounding homelessness that became apparent as the data was being analyzed.

This report does not specifically address issues outside of the immediate purview of local government and human service providers, such as public assistance, affordable housing, employment opportunities, affordable child care and others. This is not because the authors felt they were unimportant or irrelevant, but because of a desire to effect local public policy by meeting the specific needs confronting Pasadena's homeless as revealed by the key findings in this report. It is the hope of this committee that the feasibility of the recommendations offered is apparent, thus generating the good will of our community for their implementation.

If the strategies recommended in this report are successfully implemented, there will be an immediate improvement in the quality of life for everyone in our community. Our streets, sidewalks, parks, and other public spaces will have less people using them for living space, and more people using them for business and recreation. Specifically, our community could look forward to:

* a declining number of homeless men, women and children on our streets;

* filling gaps in the continuum of care, thereby further providing humane and responsible services for the homeless;

* preventing homelessness, which will reduce the number of poor individuals and families who will experience life on the streets;

* having resources (e.g. law enforcement, public works) now being used to respond to homeless issues redirected towards other community services.

This data has potential uses for public education. The information provided by the City of Pasadena 1992 Homeless Count: Final Report will perhaps dispel myths about homelessness and stereotypical views of homeless women, men and children. This, in turn, can generate the political will and community participation needed to provide for an increase in resources, ideas and hands-on involvement.

Survey Question: Where Were You Born (Country, State, and City)?

Countries:

North America:

Canada 0.4%

Mexico 2.4%

United States 87%

--------

94.9%

Central America:

El Salvador 1.6%

Guatemala 0.2%

Panama 0.2%

--------

2.0%

Europe:

England 0.2%

France 0.2%

Germany 0.4%

Hungray 0.2%

Poland 0.2%

Yugoslavia 0.2%

--------

1.4%

Asia:

Bangladesh 0.2%

Burma 0.2%

Japan 0.4%

Korea 0.2%

--------

1.0%

Miscellaneous:

Armenia 0.2%

Cayman Islands 0.2%

--------

0.4%

States:

United States:

Alabama 1.6%

Arkansas 1.2%

Arizonia 1.0%

North America (United States, Mexico and Canada) is the originating area for 94.9% of the homeless population in Pasadena. There were 2% from the Central American countries of El Salvador, Guatemala and Panama, 1.6% from the European countries of England, France, Germany, Hungary, Poland and Yugoslavia, 1% from the Asian countries of Bangladesh, Burma, Japan and Korea. The remaining .5% were from the Cayman Islands and Armenia.

All but 8 states are represented as the state of origin of the homeless in Pasadena. Those states excluded are Alaska, Delaware, District of Columbia, Montana, New Hampshire, South Dakota, Vermont and Virginia. Forty-six (46%) of the homeless were born in California, 5% in Texas, 3% in Illinois, 3% in New York, 2.2% in Mississippi and 2% in Pennsylvania. All other states were the birth place for less than 2% of Pasadena's homeless population.

Forty-two per cent (42.4%) of the homeless were born in cities within Southern California--